In Rojava, Kurds are rushing to “prove” that they are “Syrian citizens” with identity documents, residence papers, school records, and any documents they can gather. Long queues have formed in front of civil registry centers opened on April 6 in the cities of Qamishlo, Derik, Hasakah, Chilaxa, and Dirbesiye. While confronting their past, Kurds are demanding a new constitution that guarantees all their rights. Declared “non-existent” overnight in their own land 64 years ago, Kurds have paid the price of the denial of their identity and existence in every field, including economic, social, political, health, and education.
In 1962, under the government of then-President Nazim al-Qudsi and Prime Minister Bashir al-Azma, a “special census” conducted in Hasakah as part of the “Arab Belt” project devastated the lives of hundreds of thousands of Kurds. The justification was the claim that Kurds had “illegally infiltrated Syria from Turkey.” A census was carried out overnight in the Jazira region, where Kurds predominantly live, especially in Hasakah. Between 250,000 and 300,000 Kurds were stripped of their citizenship and had their property confiscated.
Some Kurds were registered as “ajanib” (foreigners), while others were not registered at all and were labeled “maktoum” (unregistered/hidden). This situation evolved into a massive humanitarian crisis affecting hundreds of thousands over time. For years, Kurds lived in their own lands without their voices being heard. The Baath regime, which ruled Syria from 1963 to 2024, continued to stigmatize and isolate Kurds based on their identity.
Everywhere, they are ‘non-existing’
Those classified as “maktoum” cannot obtain official diplomas or benefit from higher education. Moreover, they cannot work as civil servants or own houses, cars, or other property in their own names. As they cannot get passports, they cannot legally leave the country through border crossings or airports.
First Arabization, then statelessness
Human rights lawyer Xalid Cebir points out that at the time, no group other than Kurds in Syria faced such discrimination, citing the following example:
“In Deir ez-Zor, where Arabs live, such a policy was not implemented. No one there was left without identity. First, under the ‘Arab Belt’ project, Arabs were settled in Kurdish regions; then the Kurdish identity was denied and all their rights were confiscated. Imagine—you are ill or have a funeral, but you cannot travel from one city to another.”
200,000 stateless Kurds in Europe
For years, Kurds were not only erased statistically; this nonrecognition caused crises affecting daily life. For example, marriages could not be officially registered, and in subsequent years, hundreds of children were born under “maktoum” status and remained unregistered. Kurds could not defend their rights before the law in case of a crime. The state could easily confiscate their land, and they were unable to open private businesses.
At the same time, the lack of the right to work and open businesses led to deep poverty and migration to Europe. Thousands were forced to migrate due to economic hardship. However, without identity documents, they faced bureaucratic obstacles in the countries they went to. Today, it is estimated that around 200,000 Kurds from Rojava living in Europe still lack official identity.
“It is your land, but you cannot protect it”
Jinda Ehmed from the village of Chetale in Qamishlo is among the stateless Kurds and says:
“My father and my grandfathers were born here. We were not very wealthy. We had land, but it was not officially ours. To prevent the state from confiscating it, trusted family friends held the deeds in their names. Hundreds of people lost their homes and land. Since they had no legal rights, they could not reclaim them. Kurds were pushed into poverty and hunger. Others cultivated their fields. You exist—the land is yours—but you cannot protect it, and you have no rights over it.”
It also destroys national ties
Jinda also has relatives in the city of Nusaybin in North Kurdistan, but she could not visit them due to the lack of a passport. She points out that this situation has effectively destroyed social relations and ties among Kurds:
“One of the biggest difficulties for me was the denial of my right to education. I studied until the ninth grade, but I had no official record. My sister studied until the final year of high school, but they did not give her a diploma. My uncle was expelled from university with a single signature—he either had to become an informant or his education would end.”
Men without citizenship also cannot perform compulsory military service. Jinda notes that this was the only advantage for Kurds: “My father, my brother, my uncles, and my cousins—none of them did military service.”
Only the right to work was granted
While Kurds struggled for years with economic, political, and social problems due to their statelessness, in 2011 Bashar al-Assad announced, as if it were a favor, that they would be granted the “right to work.” At that time, uprisings against authoritarian regimes—known as the “Arab Spring”—had begun across the Middle East. In response to the unrest, the Assad regime introduced a series of “reforms” and declared that Kurds would be allowed to open businesses and work. However, with the onset of the Rojava Revolution, the balance of power in Syria changed.
Not temporary but inclusive and permanent constitution
Kurds living in the Autonomous Administration regions of North and East Syria have gained access to their fundamental rights. Not only Kurds, but also Arabs, Syriacs, Armenians, and other communities have been able to access their rights for 13 years within a democratic and egalitarian system. However, since there is no constitution guaranteeing the rights of all citizens in Syria, the situation remains fragile.
The Jolani (Ahmed al-Sharaa) administration, which took power in Damascus in December 2024, pursues policies similar to those of the Baath regime. Instead of an inclusive constitution that would resolve the country’s crisis, the Jolani administration signed a 53-article temporary constitutional declaration on March 3, 2025, valid for five years. It is clear that this declaration—prepared without implementing international legal mechanisms, without listening to the demands of the people, and without guaranteeing mother tongue and cultural rights—will lead to new crises.
Everyone is now ‘Syrian’
According to the agreement signed on January 29 between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the transitional government in Damascus, Kurds who had been stateless and deprived of basic rights since 1962 were to be registered as citizens and have their rights restored. Within this framework, civil registry centers were opened in five cities of Rojava on April 6, and applications began to be accepted.
However, it came out that Kurds are being recorded in application forms not as “Kurds,” but as “Syrian Arabs” living in the “Syrian Arab Republic.” Following reactions from Kurds, the Jolani administration stepped back on April 9, removing the term “Syrian Arabs” and replacing it with simply “Syrian.”
Although the issue appears to have been resolved for now and the deadline for identity applications has been extended by one month, people remain concerned because Kurdish identity, mother tongue, and cultural rights are not constitutionally guaranteed. Ultimately, securing the rights of approximately five million Kurds is also a guarantee for Syria’s future.
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