Aldar Xelîl, a member of the Co-Presidency Council of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), shared his assessment of the situation on the ground following the ceasefire announced by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Xelîl said the siege imposed on Kobanê by the Turkish state and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) mercenaries was inhumane, stressing that the attacks were not limited to Rojava but formed part of a broader regional plan.
The interview we conducted with Aldar Xelîl is as follows:
SDF announced that a new ceasefire had been declared as of last night. Could you inform us about the situation in the region following the ceasefire?
The declared ceasefire was not something the SDF requested; it was a demand from the United States. Their plan was to create a ceasefire in order to remove ISIS detainees and transfer them to the Iraqi side. At the same time, the United States and Coalition forces are under significant pressure. The general public opinion that has emerged has not accepted the attacks against Rojava. When they saw this stance taking shape, they wanted to bring the ceasefire onto the agenda to stop the criticism and opposing views directed at them. For this reason, the United States asked Damascus to announce a ceasefire. However, the SDF, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), and all the people of Rojava are in a strong state of preparedness. While they are ready for a ceasefire and dialogue, they are also ready for war, because they are the side being attacked. At the time the ceasefire was declared, the SDF accepted it to demonstrate its goodwill.
Kobanê has been under military blockade for some time, with basic services such as electricity, water, and internet cut off, leading to a severe humanitarian crisis. We see that the military siege and attacks on the city are ongoing. What is the current situation in Kobanê?
Kobanê is going through a very difficult period. The siege imposed on Kobanê is inhumane and unacceptable under international law. They believe that through this siege they can break the will of the people and force them to accept certain things. However, it is impossible for people who have fought for their freedom for years, who have resisted and endured every hardship for their very existence, to step back or bow their heads in the face of this siege. Cutting off all the basic necessities of life for an entire city means attempting to destroy that people. This constitutes an attempt at genocide. The people of Kobanê have proven how resilient they are from 2014 to the present day. Their aim is to break this people’s resistance. But our people resisted before, and no matter what happens, they will continue to resist.
The interim Damascus government said the ceasefire was declared to allow ISIS detainees to be safely transferred to Iraq. What is the latest situation in talks with Damascus?
The position of the United States and the Coalition is well known. In order to pursue their own interests, they formed a partnership with the Baath regime and the SDF during the process against ISIS and deployed their forces to the region. Together, we eliminated ISIS. Our forces saved humanity from great danger. ISIS had established itself as a state. Had this structure not been dismantled in Raqqa, the situation in Syria and Rojava today would not be what it is. Thanks to the resistance and heroism shown, ISIS was militarily defeated in Baghouz (Baxoz). As a result, our system of administration gained recognition worldwide. This resistance gave our administration international legitimacy. Today, at a time when attacks are being carried out against us, people from different backgrounds, beliefs, and communities around the world are taking a stand against these attacks. There are also certain forces that seek to take revenge on us for the defeat of ISIS. There are those who want to dismantle our administration, but at the same time strong public opinion has emerged globally in opposition to this. If we had remained confined only within the borders of Rojava in 2013–2014, no one would recognize us today.
We have seen how the United States established relations with the Damascus government after the Baath regime changed, and how it built ties through the individuals it brought to Damascus. On the other hand, while ISIS detainees were in the hands of the SDF, if this relationship were to break down, the SDF would either have had to release these detainees or hand them over to the Damascus government. The Damascus government, in turn, would have released ISIS mercenaries. In that case, their true faces would have been exposed. Because they did not trust the Damascus government, they brought the option of transferring ISIS mercenaries to Iraq onto the agenda. With these steps, they set aside their responsibilities toward Rojava Kurdistan.
This does not mean that we gained no benefit at all from these relations; we benefited in many respects. However, this relationship was never a strategic one. For this reason, we should not tie ourselves to them; we must build our own strength. Now they have decided to remove ISIS mercenaries from this region. This means that there is war and conflict in the area. That is why they asked for a ceasefire to be declared from Damascus, because under conditions of war they would not have been able to remove ISIS mercenaries.
If they are transferring ISIS mercenaries to Iraq, it means they have a plan directed at Iran. In order for this plan against Iran to be implemented, they need to create chaos in Iraq. They have two ways of doing this. First, by directing armed forces affiliated with Damascus toward the Iraqi border and providing support to radical groups inside Iraq. If ISIS mercenaries are present in Iraq, they will be activated at a moment of turmoil, and these ISIS mercenaries will support external groups or forces. If such a situation develops in Iraq, it would mean that one of the fronts Iran has established for its self-defense is being targeted. Just as was done in Lebanon, a plan aimed at Iran would then be put into effect in Iraq as well. The issue is not limited to Rojava alone; this is a plan directed at the entire region. Within this plan, we are trying to protect ourselves, to struggle so that we are not struck or fragmented, and at the same time to defend the gains of our people.
They have fragmented Syria, separated the Kurdistan of Rojava, separated Sweida (Suwayda), and also separated the coastal region. Damascus has been turned into a tool and has fallen into the hands of certain forces linked to Turkey, forces that do not want the Kurdish issue to be resolved and do not accept Syria’s territorial integrity. Through these attacks, the social unity that has been built over the years is being targeted. In Deir ez-Zor (Dêrazor) and Raqqa, from 2011 onward, before the SDF entered these areas and, in the years, prior, such conflicts did not occur among the social components. Now, however, they want to create hostility among the peoples in these regions. To prevent this situation from deepening further, the YPG and the YPJ pulled the defense line back to the Rojava border to thwart these plots. Today, a sense of unity has emerged across Kurdistan. The support that was previously provided in Kurdistan and around the world, and the martyrs who were lost along this path, have now turned into a collective sense of ownership for us. Rojava is today under great danger, and people from all over the world are standing with this resistance. When the front line reaches Rojava, Kurdish youth from other parts of Kurdistan and from abroad head toward Rojava and take their place in this resistance.
The government should know this clearly: the conditions of the war launched along the border are not the same as the conditions of the war in Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor. The circumstances and characteristics of those regions were different; the situation here is entirely different. None of the mercenaries brought in to fight along these lines will be able to return, and this will also cause harm to civilians who are not a party to the war. Yet they will not achieve their aims. That is why, when a ceasefire comes onto the agenda, we never say ‘no,’ because the essence of our struggle is based on peaceful solutions.
They were the ones who launched the attacks, and they openly say, ‘We will destroy you.’ But they will not be able to realize these ambitions on this land. There is strong resistance on the ground, and they have seen this reality. That is why they are constantly wavering: one hour they say, ‘We will attack,’ and shortly afterward they call for a ‘ceasefire.’ This is neither how politics is conducted nor how reconciliation is achieved.
An entire year has passed with this inconsistency. The understandings of 10 March and 1 April were not implemented. After that, Sharaa signed an agreement. The signature was placed while the delegation was still on the road, because Sharaa knew what he was going to face. Yet the very next day, again while the delegation was on the road, the agreement was suspended due to Turkish intervention. Our colleagues told him, ‘Do not rush, the weather conditions are not good, we can meet tomorrow.’ He insisted, saying, ‘No, let us sign immediately and declare a ceasefire.’ The reason for this insistence was that he knew what lay ahead. He also knew that if the war were pursued, the soldiers would not return alive and that bodies would come back instead.
Now, for the past two days, they have once again been calling for a ceasefire. We say, ‘Alright,’ but the following night they then say, ‘Let us extend it by 15 days.’ There is no seriousness in this at all. In any case, we do not trust them.
While speaking of a ceasefire, on the one hand they carry out reconnaissance and continue their preparations, and on the other hand they wage psychological warfare through brutal attacks to break the morale of the people. Their aim is to reduce pressure, buy time, break the people’s resistance, and then to resume their attacks. However, if we preserve our unity and solidarity, they will be left helpless and will ultimately be forced to make the ceasefire permanent.
What is this ceasefire based on? It is based on integration. We are serious about this, and we have been advocating it since 10 March. Let integration take place; we have never separated ourselves from Syria. But the Kurds also have a cause and rights. These rights must be guaranteed, and our peoples must not be dragged back into war. Arabs, Assyrians, Syriacs, and Chaldeans must not be pulled into conflict. The peoples of the region must live together based on equality and fraternity. This is not the reason for the war; the real reason is that certain parties want to eliminate us. Our project is clear: a democratic nation, the brotherhood of peoples, and a project of freedom. Even in the most difficult days, abandoning this project would mean destroying ourselves.
We have built and organized a democratic way of life. The Kurdish people have risen up, are defending their cities, and are protecting their gains. This determination is the result of years of effort. The democratic system and organization that have been established are the product of a legitimate awareness of self-defense.
Look at the sense of ownership shown by the people in Rojava during the days of war. These gains are not anyone’s gift; they are the outcome of a great struggle. If there is resistance today, it is because of this accumulated experience. Yet some circles try to mislead society during such periods. This project, however, is the honor of our existence and our freedom. The real danger is mental collapse. They are trying to break the will of the people. But people who have paid such a heavy price will continue to stand by their revolution and will continue to keep watch in the streets. The people of Kobanê are not taking a single step back despite all the sieges. The cities in the Jazira Region (Cizîr) are also on 24-hour defense. This resistance is precisely the result of this project.
We say that enough is enough. Everyone should know their limits. Everyone should know that Rojava has become a model; whether they want it or not, Rojava is an example of democracy in the Middle East. It is the Rojava experience that will rebuild Syria. It will also serve as an example for the unity of peoples in Kurdistan.
In 2013, we wanted to hold a national congress. So many different parties came together, and we worked side by side for months, but we were unable to form a common national congress or a unified stance. Yet the resistance in Rojava created such a unity that it went beyond party boundaries. There were many forces that did not want Kurdish unity to emerge. But Rojava achieved this.
It is increasingly clear from recent developments that the Turkish state is the planner and executor of the attacks against North and East Syria. How should this stance of the Turkish state be assessed?
Our people should know this clearly: a war is being waged against us. It is a war aimed at pulling us away from our own strategy. We have a strategy. The fall of Rojava would mean the fall of Northern Kurdistan (Bakur), Southern Kurdistan (Başur), and Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat). At the same time, it would mean the collapse of the democratic experience in the Middle East. The success of Rojava means the success of all these regions.
They speak of a ceasefire repeatedly, yet even within the so-called ceasefire; the attacks continue. Those who want to sabotage the process in the north and the process unfolding here are interconnected. The Turkish state should know this: if the war goes this far, you too will be harmed. Turkey will not be able to move forward, democracy cannot be established in Turkey, and the Kurdish question in Turkey will not be resolved. This means that Turkey will lose another 50 years. Our call to Turkey is this: Turkey must understand that it needs to play a constructive role in Syria.
It has emerged that the decision to launch attacks against North and East Syria was taken after a meeting held in France. How do you assess the approaches of Western powers, particularly the United States and Israel?
This is a general concept; Israel, the United States, some European countries, and regional powers are all part of it. This planning targets Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey. Turkey accepted this planning in Paris, but it is not aware of what it entails. After Iran, the next target of this plan is Turkey. States in the region, Kurds and non-Kurds alike, must know this: this plan is not directed only at us; it is directed at all of you. Everyone must be cautious about this plan and understand that the Middle East is entering a new phase; we must remain alert to this reality.
Our people also see clearly that these forces are brutal; they do not know what democracy is, nor what fraternity is. If they insist on war to this extent, then we too will fight. This is what our people are saying.
Mobilization and a state of military alert are continuing. The people of Rojava have also declared that they will resist the very end by relying on their own strength. What would you like to say to the Kurdish people and to democratic forces in this regard?
Of course we will not surrender; we will defend ourselves. We are resisting the spirit of Comrade Ziyad, Viyan, Deniz, and our other comrades in Sheikh Maqsoud (Şêxmeqsûd) and Ashrafieh (Eşrefiyê). In the most difficult periods, with the most limited means, our people are mobilized. People crossing borders from abroad to come to Rojava is something sacred. The people of Southern Kurdistan are genuine patriots. Both those in positions of responsibility and the people themselves have displayed a stance of resistance. We appreciate this position. From Northern Kurdistan as well, our young people crossed the border to reach Rojava, and their actions are still ongoing. Delegations from Northern Kurdistan and Southern Kurdistan have also come to express their support. All of these are extremely valuable steps.