A plan to plunge Syria into chaos has been taking shape for a long time, and this trajectory was already being worked on even during the period of Baathist rule. Regions with predominantly Arab populations were particularly targeted as part of this effort. Kurds and Arabs were already citizens of Syria; they lived intertwined with one another. They were not strangers to each other. Moreover, they came together in the struggle against the so-called ISIS; their blood was shed side by side. They organized within a structure such as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). They established their Autonomous Administration. Naturally, Kurds generally took the lead in these efforts. Their experience of resistance and organization was older and more advanced.
The resistance they displayed against ISIS in Kobanê proved decisive. It led to the downward spiral of ISIS and ultimately to its defeat on the ground.
Raqqa was the capital of ISIS. Arab regions such as Manbij, Tabqa, and Deir ez-Zor were cleared of ISIS with the support of the international coalition. In these areas, Kurds and Arabs did not confront one another; on the contrary, they came together and embraced. Today, claims promoted by Turkey for disinformation purposes, such as “the SDF occupied Arab regions, and once the SDF is removed, these areas will be cleared of terrorism,” have no connection to reality. The world is watching, with astonishment, how the truth itself is being destroyed.
Furthermore, the SDF has always worked in coordination with the international coalition. It has not been involved in any other war. Apart from the Turkish state, there is no country in the world that labels the SDF a “terrorist organization.”
In Turkey, there has been a Peace and Democratic Society process led by Abdullah Öcalan. For the past year, weapons have fallen silent. The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) has ended its existence and armed struggle. An environment for discussion and resolution has been created. Despite its shortcomings, a commission has been established in parliament. However, influential circles within the state and an administration that has yet to take a clear stance on resolving the Kurdish question did not work to build broad social support for peace. Eventually, the laws required for a resolution were tied to the dismantling of the SDF and their disarmament in Syria. As a result, this conspiracy has also come to target the peace process in Turkey.
The March 10 Agreement was likewise handled unilaterally by the Turkish government, framed as requiring Kurds and the Autonomous Administration to abandon all demands and rights and transfer everything to the state. The government obstructed an agreement and a resolution between Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the SDF and the Autonomous Administration. The initiatives undertaken in this regard are more or less known. In the end, Syria was pushed into a new phase of conflict and chaos. HTS concentrated all of its armed forces in Syria against the autonomous regions. The Turkish state planned and coordinated this process. It also mobilized armed groups under its control. In addition, it stated that it was ready to provide support if HTS were to take initiative and move into action on a day-to-day basis.
Military attacks alone were not deemed sufficient to complete the plan for chaos. In Arab regions where preparations had been underway for a long time, certain circles were activated. Narratives such as “the people have risen up against the SDF” were fully exploited. It was well known that a force like the SDF, built on democratic principles and composed of both Arabs and Kurds, would not turn its weapons against the people. It is true that some circles were influenced by these provocations, and that others cooperated. However, despite incitement and rhetoric aimed at fostering hostility toward Kurds, Arab communities did not mobilize. Defining the situation in this way and creating distrust between peoples is not accurate. Mass psychology must also be considered. When chaos erupts and tens of thousands of armed forces attack the SDF and the autonomous regions with tanks and heavy artillery from all sides, many people are affected, become cautious, and adopt a wait-and-see position. Large segments of Arab society found themselves in precisely this situation.
Arabs also lived for years under the Autonomous Administration. They had their own councils. They were not subject to pressure. They were able to practice their beliefs and express their identities freely. After many years, they had gained access to a genuinely democratic and free environment. At the same time, society’s sociology must also be considered. The construction of belief and identity shaped over centuries cannot be overcome in a short period of time. Moreover, the population has endured immense suffering, and Syria’s future remains uncertain. The Autonomous Administration was constantly targeted, and efforts to establish stability were systematically obstructed. To such an extent that many people reached the point of saying: whoever governs, as long as there is no death and no war. From this perspective, propaganda claiming that the Arab population rejects the Autonomous Administration and is hostile toward Kurds should not be taken at face value.
On the evening of 18 January 2026, a statement was issued in the name of Ahmed Al-Sharaa (al-Jolani). He had previously sent his conditions to the command of the SDF. These terms contained no dialogue or negotiation; they consisted solely of unilateral decisions and ultimatums. Yet they were released at a time when a ceasefire and the halting of clashes were being discussed. It was portrayed as though the SDF had accepted these terms and that an agreement had been reached. As of the time of writing, no statement had been issued by the SDF Command. It was reported that Mazloum Abdi would travel to Damascus on the 19th of the month.
Al-Jolani’s statement contained no reference to democracy, autonomy, or the identity rights of Kurds. Instead, it reflected the language and tenor of a regime even more regressive than the Baath era. Syria’s future, along with hopes for democracy and freedom, is being sacrificed to Turkey’s policy of ensuring that “Kurds never prevail.” Those who weaken the SDF and the Autonomous Administration, and those who orchestrate this conspiracy, are pushing Syria into a darkness whose pain it will endure for many years to come.
Source: Ronahî Newspaper