The National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission, which continues its meetings within the framework of the Peace and Democratic Society Process, is holding discussions with young people and women regarding a solution to the Kurdish question.
The commission heard from the Youth Organisations Forum (GOFOR), which is made up of 57 different youth organisations, as well as from the National Youth Foundation and the Anatolian Youth Association.
GOFOR member Hasan Oğuzhan Aytaç said that young people do not trust the process or the commission. Aytaç said, “The relationship of trust between young people and the political establishment has unfortunately come to an end. During the first peace process, the very people who were asked to contribute were later prosecuted because of those contributions. Today, we will sadly conclude this meeting without feeling safe.”
Pressure erodes trust
Aytaç said that young people are losing their lives because of this unresolved issue, yet there are no young representatives at the table or within the commission. Aytaç said, “There is no representation of young people in Parliament and even if all young deputies in Parliament were members of this commission, they would still be a minority. Yet unfortunately, we do not see a single young deputy here. How are young people supposed to be subjects of this process? For young people to be agents of peace, they must be included in this process and allowed to debate it with their peers. For example, it means that young people must be able to discuss peace at university. Peace must be spoken about there; the road to peace must be built among students. But what is happening at universities today? There is growing repression. For years, universities have been placed under siege under the pretext of ‘terror’ and ‘security’. After 2015, when rectoral elections were abolished and trustees were appointed as rectors, every method was used to suppress the university movement. If three students come together, they face the threat of disciplinary investigation.”
Demand for equal citizenship
Aytaç underlined that equal citizenship is essential and said: “For us, democratisation means equal citizenship. Today in Turkey, the biggest obstacle preventing young people from being equal citizens is Article 58 of the Constitution. But the demand of young people for equal citizenship cannot be resolved by changing only Article 58. Because a single article cannot change the warning whispered into the ear of every Kurdish child: ‘Do not speak Kurdish at school.’ The struggle against the systematic discrimination faced by Kurdish youth must be expanded into all areas of life. First, they must be able to receive education in their mother tongue at school, and they must be able to access all public services in the language they are educated in. Combating discrimination in every aspect of life must become a priority duty of public institutions. Young people who are excluded from political life are also being pushed out of social life due to the lack of an effective struggle against drugs. This issue must not be seen solely as an individual health problem but also as a socio-political matter. Despite this reality, the budget allocated by the Ministry of Youth and Sports for combating drugs amounts to only 0.02 percent of the ministry’s total budget.”
Aytaç also referred to the approaches used in resolving conflicts in Ireland and Colombia, noting that young people there established councils, their peace-focused projects were supported, youth peace laws were enacted, and young people were made subjects of the process.
GOFOR’s demands for the process
Aytaç listed GOFOR’s demands regarding the process and a democratic solution:
* A National Youth Council must be established in accordance with universal standards to ensure the active participation of young people and youth organisations in the process and to enable access to public resources. This council must be civil, founded by youth organisations and recognised by the state.
* Young women must be actively included in the process, and additional mechanisms must be created to ensure they become agents of peace. Public funding must be allocated for youth organisations to carry out projects on peace and combating discrimination in order to socialise the peace process.
* Article 58 of the Constitution must be revised so that young people are not seen merely as a group in need of protection but are guaranteed active and equal citizenship in social life.
* A Youth Rapporteur mechanism must be established in Parliament (TBMM) to assess the impact of legislative decisions on young people. Law No. 2911 must be rewritten in line with Article 34 of the Constitution to remove barriers to the right to assembly and demonstrations. Charges against young people who are punished for exercising their freedom of expression and organisation must be dropped.
* The Anti-Terror Law No. 3713 must be amended so that peaceful social media posts or activities by young people are no longer treated as “propaganda”. All non-violent forms of expression must be excluded from criminalisation. The articles under “Crimes Against Public Order” in the Turkish Penal Code must be revised to guarantee freedom of expression for young people.
* Regulations introduced under Law No. 7418, known as the Disinformation Law, must be repealed to guarantee freedom of expression and press freedom. The Higher Education Law No. 2547 must be amended to ensure university autonomy, and barriers to the organisation of student clubs and associations must be removed. University rector elections must be reinstated and student representative boards must be independent.
* Mother-tongue education must be guaranteed at all levels of education. The national education curriculum must be revised to include courses on social peace, coexistence and multiculturalism.
* The appointment of state trustees to municipalities must end immediately. The Municipality Law No. 5393 must be amended to make the establishment of youth councils in municipalities mandatory, forming the local dimension of the peace process. Employment policies must be developed for thousands of young people who joined the army as contracted soldiers due to unemployment during the conflict. Their right to education must be protected and psychosocial support must be provided.
* Reintegration and rehabilitation programmes must be implemented for young people who lay down arms. The right to education, return to school, vocational training and employment support must be essential components of this process. A comprehensive student amnesty must be introduced for young people who were unable to complete their education for various reasons, including convictions under terror-related charges.
* A comprehensive psychosocial intervention plan must be created for young people who grew up in conflict zones, those who laid down arms, young soldiers who served in security forces, young political activists released from prison, and those who suffered trauma due to forced displacement or the loss of loved ones in the conflict.
* Law No. 7179 on Military Conscription must be reviewed and an alternative civilian service must be introduced. Young people must be able to access civilian service options without ideological or conditional barriers. A youth-focused truth commission must be established to record human rights violations experienced by young people and document the stories of those who lost their lives.
It is a matter of justice
The National Youth Foundation and the Anatolian Youth Association also made a joint presentation. They stated that the Kurdish question has been on the agenda since the Ottoman era and became more visible with the citizenship model constructed after the founding of the Republic. The joint presentation continued: “As a result of the continuation of incorrect policies, recent developments such as the Uludere (Roboskî) massacre, the 6–8 October events and the trench clashes have deepened the social wound. The issue we face today is not merely a ‘security problem’; it is a multi-layered matter of justice with historical memory, sociological roots and religious and cultural dimensions. Following the Sykes–Picot Agreement (1916), the division of Kurdish lands among Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria carried the issue beyond national borders. Today, millions of Kurds live not only in these four countries but also in the Turkic Republics, Europe and the United States.”