The Information Centre on Anti-Kurdish Racism (Informationsstelle Antikurdischer Rassismus – IAKR), which was founded in Germany in 2023, presented its first annual report for 2024 at the Federal Parliament. The report includes both data on anti-Kurdish racism and policy recommendations. IAKR Chairperson Civan Akbulut answered ANF’s questions on the issue.
You have published your first annual report. Looking at the data collected over one year, what did you identify as the most striking aspect of anti-Kurdish racism?
Anti-Kurdish racism is a reality that can affect every Kurd everywhere in the world. Whether old or young, whether at school or confronted by the police, it is not a distant or abstract phenomenon. It is a painful reality. It means being insulted for speaking the “wrong” language, being beaten for having the “wrong” background, and being killed simply for being Kurdish. It means being questioned again and again. It deprives people of their dignity, their safety and, very often, their future. This neither begins nor ends within the borders of Germany. What Kurds experience here is inextricably linked to the long and seemingly endless history of repression, persecution, pogroms and genocides in Kurdistan. It is part of a global experience that connects Kurds to one another: a constant experience of devaluation, violence and denial of rights.
Anti-Kurdish hostility is becoming more visible
What is striking is that anti-Kurdish attitudes are becoming increasingly visible and socially normalized. This is particularly evident among Turkish far-right circles, for example through the open display of the Grey Wolves hand sign and the circulation of dehumanizing content. What is alarming, however, is that Kurds are being targeted by both German and migrant far-right actors.
Ranging from insults to threats
Anti-Kurdish racism is also highly prevalent online. In our report, we explain this as follows: The majority of incidents of anti-Kurdish racism reported to us in 2024 occurred online. This underlines that the digital sphere has become one of the central arenas of anti-Kurdish racism. This is particularly visible on digital platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, Threads, Facebook, X and YouTube. These attacks range from insults and the denial of Kurdish identity to direct threats.
What role does the digital sphere play?
The digital sphere functions as a catalyst for anti-Kurdish racism. Social media platforms such as TikTok, Instagram and Threads are widely used, especially by young people, and anti-Kurdish content is increasingly visible here. These platforms rarely intervene in such content, and when they do, it is usually delayed. Since anti-Kurdish content is amplified by algorithms, it can reach a large audience within a very short time, exposing those targeted to an enormous flood of hate messages, often from anonymous accounts. Increasingly, however, these actors appear with their real names and profile pictures. This demonstrates that such posts are becoming more normalized and that the platforms concerned are failing to impose adequate sanctions.
You stated that digital platforms impose inadequate sanctions. I am curious about the approach of state institutions. How active are state institutions in combating anti-Kurdish racism?
Unfortunately, very limited. There is a lack of knowledge, awareness and willingness to recognise anti-Kurdish racism as a distinct form of racism, yet this is essential for combating it effectively. Anti-Kurdish racism is often relativised, its gravity minimised, and ignored as an abstract conflict “among non-Germans,” summed up as “Let the migrants beat each other; why should we care?” This not only overlooks the seriousness of the phenomenon, it also contributes to endangering Kurdish life as a whole. The past has shown that anti-Kurdish racism is extremely dangerous and deadly. This holds true for Europe as well.
State institutions also reproduce anti-Kurdish racism by, for example, criminalising Kurdish individuals and organisations. This criminalisation, emphasising, as a matter of principle, that someone is “prone to violence” simply because they are Kurdish, is a racist approach and a tactic that Turkey also uses to oppress Kurds. Overall, the discussion on anti-Kurdish racism in Germany is still at an early stage. To bring about real change and protect Kurdish lives, we need awareness-raising, institutional accountability and concrete political measures.
You formulated action recommendations for state institutions in your annual report. What would you like to say about prevention and the individualisation of incidents in the fight against anti-Kurdish racism?
Prevention must begin early; incidents must not be individualised. Anti-Kurdish racism has deep roots in the (post-migration) society in Germany. The cases reported to us show that anti-Kurdish racism is often reproduced among children and young people, often unconsciously. Kurdish students are frequently ridiculed by their classmates and subjected to humiliating or derogatory remarks. They are often left helpless in the face of these dynamics of exclusion and discrimination in everyday school life. To effectively counter anti-Kurdish racism, early preventive work and capacity building are essential. It is vital to recognise anti-Kurdish racism as a structural problem and not to individualise such incidents. This discussion must be included in school curricula; awareness-raising and educational projects are needed in primary and secondary schools. City and state administrations should provide comprehensive educational programmes on anti-Kurdish racism and deliver them to children and young people of all ages to strengthen social and intercultural skills. For this educational work, teachers and social workers in schools must be trained on anti-Kurdish racism. Awareness projects for parents can also make a significant contribution to reducing prejudice against Kurds and creating a supportive environment for Kurdish children.
On the other hand, there are also cases in which victims of anti-Kurdish racism are criminalised. What should be done to break this criminalisation?
Those affected need safe spaces instead of criminalisation, and public authorities must take this into account. Perpetrators must be consistently prosecuted. To achieve this, it is vital to recognise the environments in which anti-Kurdish racism occurs and to treat them accordingly. In order to better understand this form of violence, it must be explicitly recorded in crime statistics. Anti-Kurdish racism must not be categorised under general terms such as “other hate crimes” or “racism against Muslims.” Police information systems in the federal states must be expanded to include a separate category for the registration of crimes classified as “anti-Kurdish racism.” Beginning with police academies, awareness and sensitivity training must become an integral part of the education of prospective police officers. Trainee officers must be educated and supported in developing intercultural competence. Police anti-racism units must provide regular communication and expert support on anti-Kurdish racism. Instead of applying criminal and association law against legitimate Kurdish activism, more focus must be placed on the perpetrators of anti-Kurdish racism. These include Islamist, Arab and Turkish nationalist structures, particularly the “Grey Wolves” movement, which poses a serious threat to Kurds in Germany.
What kind of protection should be provided for those affected by anti-Kurdish racism?
The lack of safe spaces poses a particular challenge for Kurds. Kurds often feel alone with their experiences and their identity. On the one hand, their identity is constantly denied from the outside; on the other hand, they make themselves invisible out of fear of discrimination and violence. The so-called “safer spaces” for those affected by racism are not necessarily safe spaces for Kurds, because anti-Kurdish racism is frequently reproduced within migrant communities. Safe spaces organised by the Kurdish community itself, where Kurdish culture and language are openly lived and developed, become targets of violent attacks. During periods of political unrest in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, and on Kurdish holidays, special social protection is required to prevent attacks against Kurds. The negative health and psychological consequences of racism for those affected have been extensively researched scientifically, and Kurdish victims must also receive appropriate psychological and legal support. Access to these services should be low-threshold. Projects that provide services and counselling in Kurdish, among other things, should be supported.
Finally, Kurdish refugees must be protected from the causes of their flight. The persecution of Kurds in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria must be recognised. Deportations to these countries expose those affected to the risk of continued cultural and political persecution, imprisonment, torture and even execution. These countries do not offer a safe home for Kurds; therefore, they must be protected from deportation.
How would you assess media representation in relation to anti-Kurdish racism; how are Kurds portrayed in the mainstream German press?
Depicting Kurds solely as a security issue contributes significantly to anti-Kurdish racism and makes it more difficult to address. To counter this distorted image and racist narratives, journalistic standards that use a differentiated and non-discriminatory language and that actively support such an approach must be implemented in a binding manner. This also includes a conscious choice of vocabulary and narrative that does not criminalise Kurdish individuals and organisations in general or equate them with terrorism. It is also necessary to avoid the use of derogatory terms. Leading media outlets such as Tagesschau, Der Spiegel, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Bild, Welt and Deutschlandfunk have a particular responsibility in this regard, as their reporting can shape discourse and reinforce or reduce prejudice. Generalisations and the uncritical adoption of state security narratives, especially those of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria must be overcome. When state security narratives are used in reporting, they must be clearly presented, contextualised and not adopted without scrutiny.
An important step is the development and implementation of non-discriminatory and sensitive editorial guidelines that establish clear standards for the use of terms, visuals and sources. Individuals affected by anti-Kurdish racism and Kurdish experts must be systematically included in public debate formats, interviews, reports, expert panels and media discussions. This prevents state institutions or partisan actors from unilaterally claiming the authority to interpret. Whether public or private, media organisations have a responsibility to take journalistic integrity and social accountability seriously and to actively promote the visibility of Kurdish perspectives.
Another question concerns the support and participation of Kurdish actors in combating anti-Kurdish racism. Are their voices sufficiently heard in this struggle?
With an estimated population of 1 to 1.5 million, Kurds are one of the largest migrant groups in Germany. For this reason, it is essential that they are culturally and politically recognised and included. Developing effective and, above all, sustainable strategies against anti-Kurdish racism requires guaranteeing the political participation of Kurdish actors and organisations and creating spaces for regular dialogue and exchange of ideas. Kurdish organisations and actors must be involved in political decision-making processes. Legislative proposals and political decisions at the municipal and state levels concerning the reality of migration must also be developed together with Kurdish organisations. Advisory councils, committees or other political bodies must be able to adequately represent the Kurdish diaspora in Germany. The Kurdish diaspora in Germany is already well organised culturally and politically, but it must be recognised and taken seriously as a legitimate point of contact.
Does the fight against anti-Kurdish racism receive sufficient encouragement in academia, and in your opinion, what role can academia play in combating it?
Robust scientific evidence is needed to ensure that anti-racist measures are not arbitrary. Anti-Kurdish racism remains largely under-researched in academia. This must change. Thematic research funding would contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon, its systematic documentation and the development of more effective courses of action. Research networks, institutes and projects that address this phenomenon scientifically, particularly Kurdish projects must be supported and their capacities strengthened. The lack of knowledge about Kurdish history and the Kurdish reality in Germany often leads to people failing to recognise anti-Kurdish racism when they witness it, or to being unsure about how to intervene. For this reason, scientific work on anti-Kurdish racism must form the basis of a societal debate; otherwise, the risk of reproducing prejudices and stereotypes increases.
In this context, it is extremely important to establish and promote a Chair of Kurdish Studies at a German university. Kurdish Studies is an interdisciplinary academic field focused on Kurdistan, the Kurdish people, and their cultures, languages and histories. This discipline, which is already established in other countries, promotes the social recognition and visibility of the Kurdish diaspora, dismantles discriminatory perceptions of Kurds and contributes to the decolonisation of research on Kurdistan.
My final question is about impunity. Do you share the view that the spread of anti-Kurdish racism is facilitated by a policy of impunity?
Yes, absolutely. As long as organisations and individuals can incite hatred against Kurds without fearing any consequences, anti-Kurdish racism cannot be effectively combated. The current situation creates the impression that anti-Kurdish racism is tolerated or overlooked by the state. This must be broken. It is unacceptable for Turkish, Arab and Islamist groups in Germany to pray for war against Kurds or to celebrate attacks on Kurdish civilians in Rojava. While those affected are abandoned, the perpetrators feel emboldened. Such practices create unsafe environments and contribute to the further deepening of anti-Kurdish racism. Therefore, a decisive and consistent investigation, such as banning the Grey Wolves movement, would be an important first step to counter this development.
These problematic actors pose a threat not only to Kurds but also to minorities and opposition groups connected to Turkey, and to democracy in general. They are explicitly anti-democratic and antisemitic, and they view violence as a legitimate means of political conflict. They therefore pose a threat to German society as a whole. However, the German state avoids confrontation. Foreign policy, including relations with Turkey and the ban on the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is logically contradictory and even contributes to the weakening of democratic forces, also plays a role.