In Turkey, alongside the Kurdish people, the Roma community has been subjected to some of the harshest assimilation policies, and their numbers continue to decline today. Although they approach the process with caution, the Roma still hold on to hope. Unlike during the previous peace process, when the government promoted the discourse of a “Roma initiative,” this time the authorities have not mentioned them, yet the Roma people, despite the difficulties in their daily lives, continue to closely follow the process.
Sergen Gül from the Romani Godi Association, which was established to make public the assimilation, attacks, and inequalities faced by the Roma, to document them and create a collective memory, shared with ANF the perspectives of the Roma community on the Kurdish movement and the ongoing process.
Roma people went through similar historical processes as Kurds
Sergen Gül noted that the Roma, as a people, have gone through similar historical processes as the Kurds and have been affected by the state’s assimilation policies since the early Republican period. He described both the historical experiences of the Roma and the nationalist tendencies present in today’s Roma society with the following words: “During the early Republican period, issues such as the confinement of minorities into a single national identity, linguistic and cultural assimilation, internal migration from the Balkans, and the coup processes affected the Roma in ways similar to the Kurds. Independent of ethnic identity, until 2006, the Roma were the only community in Turkey that was subjected to discriminatory expressions in legal texts. The Settlement Law enacted in 1926 and amended in 1934, as well as official internal documents regulating police duties, can be cited as examples.
These documents included articles stating that unemployed and powerless Roma were to be considered potential criminals, or that nomadic Roma were not bound to Turkish identity. In other words, the perception of the ‘suspicious Roma’ in society is rooted in such regulations. Furthermore, the widely repeated phrase ‘there are 72 and a half nations in Turkey, and the half is the Roma’ is also linked to this discriminatory legacy. This situation is not merely a practice that developed after the First World War; it is the continuation of a long-standing heritage of inequality stretching from Byzantium to the Ottoman Empire and then to the Republic of Turkey.
In the media, in literary works, and even in academic studies, Roma are still represented with such discriminatory themes. Sometimes, by describing them as a ‘colorful people,’ a form of implicit discrimination is reflected, reducing the community to mere ‘pigments.’ This notion of colorfulness renders invisible the discrimination and inequalities the Roma face in accessing rights and services, while presenting them as if it were a lifestyle. For example, implicit discriminatory practices such as ‘They are already used to living without electricity, without water, in tents,’ or ‘They are poor but happy,’ remain widespread.”
The claim that Roma are enemies of Kurds is not true
Gül also said, “These stereotypes do not reflect reality, and the claim that “Roma are enemies of Kurds” is also untrue. Dom and Abdal communities, who are part of the Roma people, have lived together with Kurds in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia for centuries. They are also referred to locally as “Mırtıp” and “Karaçi.” These Roma groups, like the Kurds, have been affected by regional conflicts.
Interestingly, discrimination against these groups is particularly intense in the region. For example, in provinces such as Bitlis, Van, Muş, and Ağrı, one of the most common insults is to call someone “Mırtıp.” In other words, although there is a shared history of coexistence, cultural conflicts and social exclusion directed at these groups can also be observed in Kurdish-majority areas.
Roma living in other parts of Turkey, however, tend to know Kurds primarily through dominant media narratives. These narratives fuel intercommunal conflict. Similarly, Kurds can also perceive Roma through such representations. At the same time, solidarity between the two peoples does exist. With industrialization and increasing migration, for example, in places like Tekirdağ, Çerkezköy, Çorlu, and Istanbul, Roma and Kurds live side by side in the same neighborhoods. In other western provinces as well, Kurds often settle near Roma neighborhoods, and generally positive interactions are established. Economic and class-based integration enhances social cohesion, and with cultural exchange, the peoples come to know each other better.
Of course, there is also a nationalist segment within the Roma community. However, this often functions as a means of protection against long-standing discrimination. When identifying as Roma leads to discrimination, declaring oneself as Turkish reduces it to some extent; similarly, Sunni Muslim identity has also served as a protective mechanism. This is partly due to the relatively recent emergence of the Roma rights movement in Turkey. With the establishment of the first associations in the 2000s and the beginning of rights-based struggles, their quarter-century-long movement stands in a different timeframe compared to the Kurdish struggle.
Yet, in the early years of the Kurdish movement as well, traces of Turkish nationalism were also present. For example, Ziya Gökalp, one of the first ideologues of Turkism, was himself a Kurd.”
There was no such hostility as reflected in the media during the previous peace process
Sergen Gül said that they do not have concrete data or field research on how Roma view the new process, but pointed to some differences in perspective: “As a Roma individual, I will share reflections on how the Roma perceive the Kurdish movement, which is the most important part of the democratization movement in Turkey. We need to further examine the question: ‘Is this process truly new?’ or ‘What dynamics make this process different from the previous ones?’ If we seek answers to these questions, we can more accurately evaluate the Roma perspective on today’s process.
As is known, peace and negotiation efforts between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) have taken place in different periods as attempts to end the conflict. The most comprehensive initiative was the 2013–2015 peace process. During this period, regular meetings were held with Abdullah Öcalan in Imralı, and concrete steps such as the Dolmabahçe Agreement were taken with the delegations of the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP).
However, the peace process ended following the 7 June 2015 elections, when the HDP achieved significant success with 13.1 percent of the vote and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since 2002. This marked the beginning of a new period of conflict. The months leading up to 1 November 2015 were extremely painful, marked by grief and violence. Almost overnight, the atmosphere of a ‘spring of peace’ turned into a ‘blizzard of war.’”
Gül also said, “I am from Edirne, and I remember peace being discussed in neighborhoods and coffeehouses during the holidays. Even those who had been Republican People’s Party (CHP) voters for generations said they were considering voting for the HDP and expressed admiration for Selahattin Demirtaş. From AKP supporters to CHP voters, people were saying, ‘Let this bloodshed stop, let mothers not cry.’ Of course, there were also those who approached the process with caution questioning, ‘What will be given and taken?’ or believing that the Habur incident was a mistake. Yet, overall in western Turkey, there was not the sharp hostility that was reflected in the media; there was a strong sense of hope among the people.
On 14 March 2010, at a meeting held in the Abdi Ipekçi Sports Hall, the then-Prime Minister’s apology to the Roma was a major turning point in the Roma struggle. Subsequently, the establishment of Roma Language and Culture Research Institutes at two universities was another positive step. These moves created a bond of sympathy toward Recep Tayyip Erdoğan among a significant portion of the Roma population.
For a community that had been subjected to discrimination for centuries, whose language and culture had been denigrated, romanticized, or reduced to being the ‘half nation,’ such an apology created a powerful impact.”
There were no Roma deputies in the HDP, which rose with the vision of brotherhood of peoples
Sergen Gül noted that the steps taken during that period were not sustained and that the policy referred to as the “Roma Opening” by the state eventually became a bond between Erdoğan and the Roma. He also criticized the HDP for not putting forward a Roma deputy, despite electing representatives from many other communities, stating that the concept of “brotherhood of peoples” was not fully reflected in practice.
Gül continued: “Yet these steps were not sustainable. The main criticism was that the ‘Roma Opening’ was reduced to a bond between Erdoğan and the Roma rather than being a state policy. The opening was perceived as an election investment. Furthermore, its execution was based on traditional stereotypes of the Roma. The fact that the process was reduced to images of people dancing and celebrating at Abdi Ipekçi gave the impression of a shallow approach.
Roma compared this situation with the ‘Kurdish Opening.’ Questions such as, ‘Why is there TRT Kurdi but no TRT Roma?’ were raised. In the end, the Roma Opening remained in the shadow of the Kurdish Opening. Indeed, while no Roma deputies were elected from the AKP, Özcan Purcu entered Parliament from the CHP as the first openly Roma deputy in Turkey. The opening process could not be crowned with a Roma representative.
The BDP, which evolved into the HDP with the vision of the ‘brotherhood of peoples’ by incorporating different minorities (Arab, Syriac, Yazidi, etc.), nevertheless failed to bring forward a Roma deputy, despite the Roma being the largest minority after the Kurds in Turkey. Only in the June 7, 2015 elections was Roma activist Sedat Zımba nominated as the third candidate from Edirne, but the HDP could not secure a deputy from Edirne. In the November 1 elections, although he was placed as the first candidate, he was still not elected.”
Roma must be actors in Kurds’ vision of a democratic Turkey
Sergen Gül drew attention to the absence of Roma representatives in the new process. “Today, in what is being called the ‘new process’ for peace, we do not see a Roma deputy, advisor, or any active figure within the party. As a Roma, this saddens me. In the Kurdish struggle for rights and in the vision of a more democratic Turkey, it is essential that the Roma take part as active subjects.
In our meetings with the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) leadership, they acknowledged this shortcoming and expressed that they would make efforts to ensure representation in the upcoming elections. It is encouraging to see that the party has built warmer relations with the Roma than other parties and frequently raises parliamentary questions concerning Roma issues.
There are also differences from the earlier process. Compared to 2013, today human rights are valued less worldwide, freedom of expression is more restricted, and authoritarian regimes are more dominant. It is not possible to think of a peace process independent from developments in the Middle East. The struggle for existence of Kurds in Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Jordan shows how urgent the need for a democratic solution really is.
Gül underlined, ‘‘Economically, too, the picture is different from 2013. While rights and freedoms were the main topics at the time, today deepening poverty has become the foremost issue. In addition, the 2013 process was conducted more openly, with the involvement of the “wise people” committee, academics, and civil society actors. Today it is more closed. Lessons should be drawn from past mistakes, and more public meetings, awareness campaigns, and informative initiatives should be undertaken. It must be emphasized more strongly that peace is not an issue between two sides alone, but a matter concerning all peoples.
Among the Roma, there is a prevailing sense of apprehension regarding the current process. The COVID-19 pandemic and the earthquakes of 6 February 2023 have deepened the poverty and inequalities faced by the Roma. For the majority of Roma today, the priority is survival and making it through each day. As a result, even important issues such as the peace process may fall outside of their immediate agenda.
On a personal level, however, the new peace process makes me happy as a Roma. The Kurdish people’s honorable struggle for rights must now merge with the struggle of all peoples for equality and a life worthy of human dignity. Peace is not a gift, but a necessity earned through the struggle and sacrifices of peoples. As Cemal Süreya said, ‘It is time to prod hope and soothe despair.’”
Kurds’ struggle for coexistence provides a historical foundation for Roma
Sergen Gül emphasized that Turkey is a geography that carries significant historical and social dynamics for the Roma as well and added that the Kurdish struggle for coexistence also provides a historical foundation for the Roma. He continued: “Turkey’s geography holds vital historical, social, and cultural dynamics for both Roma and Kurds. Between the fourth and ninth centuries, Roma who migrated from India used this land as a bridge while passing into Europe. Functioning as a bridge between Europe and Asia, this geography has always been of crucial importance for Roma groups.
Because of this historical background, Turkey is the only geography in the world that hosts Roma, Dom, and Lom groups. In the east of Anatolia, Dom and Abdal communities have lived together with Kurds for centuries. For this reason, the Kurdish struggle for coexistence in Turkey also provides a historical foundation for the Roma.
However, the struggle for coexistence must be based on the equal recognition of the participation, rights, and cultures of all ethnic identities and minorities in Turkey. The peace process must not be confined only to Turks and Kurds; it must produce common gains for all peoples living in Turkey.”
DEM Party must develop policies for the Roma
At the beginning of the new process, the DEM Party organized public meetings. At these meetings, Sergen Gül underlined that at least one should be held in a Roma neighborhood to ensure the participation of Roma in the process. He also emphasized the need for the DEM Party to develop specific policies for Roma, continuing with the following words: “To ensure the inclusion of Roma in the process, it will be important for at least one of the public meetings to be held in a Roma neighborhood, or for special gatherings to be organized that involve only Roma civil society organizations. In addition, the party leadership must formulate a policy for the Roma. Efforts should be planned to ensure that a Roma representative enters Parliament in the next election period and to promote the active participation of Roma within the party.
At the same time, the government has implemented ‘Roma Strategy Action Plans’ for three consecutive terms. Although their adequacy and implementation on the ground are debated, at least there has been a policy framework to refer to. The main opposition CHP has also developed strategy action plans to be implemented at the local level.
It is therefore important that the DEM Party also establish similar strategy action plans for Roma in its municipalities. As with other political organizations, appointing Roma advisors and coordinators would be a critical step to ensure the effective participation of Roma in the process.”