Returns to Afrin continue amid insecurity and displacement

Afrin, Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî, among the key cities of Rojava, were occupied in 2018 and 2019 following intense attacks by the Turkish state and its affiliated mercenary groups. The occupation of Afrin in 2018 and of Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî in 2019 left hundreds of civilians dead, thousands wounded or displaced. Much of the population sought refuge in Shahba camps, while others dispersed across neighborhoods in Aleppo and other cities of Rojava. Thousands of families struggled for years to survive in displacement camps under harsh conditions.

Immediately after the occupation, families of Turkish state-backed mercenary groups were brought in from Homs, Eastern Ghouta near Damascus, Deir ez-Zor, Al-Mayadin on the Iraq-Syria border, Daraa and other areas, and settled in these cities. Some Turkmen groups were also brought particularly to Afrin. In this way, a systematic demographic change was imposed in the region.

Homes, olive groves and agricultural lands belonging to the local Kurdish population were seized, and the area was effectively turned into a zone of plunder for mercenary groups.

The Turkish state directly occupied these areas militarily and politically. Administrators were sent from Turkey and district governor-level structures were established. Courts, police and civilian institutions were run unlawfully through Turkey-centered administration.

Over the past eight years, almost no trace of Kurdish identity has been left in Afrin. Kurdish-language education was completely removed, place names were Turkified and public spaces were covered with Turkish flags.

According to reports by human rights organizations and the Rojava Autonomous Administration, arbitrary arrests, violence against women, harassment, rape, kidnappings, ransom demands, bribery and corruption have become part of daily life.

Afrin, once known for its rich culture, became a place marked by torture and repression. Through property seizures, forest plunder and the treatment of olive groves as “spoils,” the region was also economically devastated.

The economy and education system were formally transformed. As a continuation of the Turkish state’s assimilation policies toward the Kurdish people, the Turkish lira was imposed as the mandatory currency, while Turkish became a language of instruction. Kurdish was entirely removed from education, with Arabic and Turkish imposed in schools.

Article 14 agreement raises hopes, but return obstacles remain

This grim picture partially shifted with hope after the 14-point agreement signed on January 29, 2026, between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian Interim Government. Article 14 in particular envisioned ending the occupation in several cities of Rojava and ensuring the safe return of displaced residents. Afrin, Serêkaniyê, Girê Spî, the Şêxmeqsûd and Eşrefiyê neighborhoods of Aleppo, and the Shahba region were included.

According to the agreement, one month after the end of occupation, displaced people would be able to return to their lands. Nearly three months have passed since the agreement yet reports by the Rojava Autonomous Administration and international human rights organizations show serious violations continue, including demographic change, property seizures and obstruction of civilian return. Even so, a limited return process has begun.

The first concrete step came on March 9, 2026, when a first convoy of around 400 people reached Afrin. A second convoy of 200 followed on April 4. Then on April 14, a third major convoy of at least 800 families returned to their lands. So far, more than 1,400 families have returned to Afrin, while at least 5,000 families are still waiting.

Families from Afrin displaced four times over eight years returned with great hope to their homeland, yet many have still not been able to reach their homes, because the families of mercenary groups previously settled there have not vacated the houses.

Families unable to enter their homes remain in camps or with relatives

Families left outside have either taken shelter with relatives or begun settling in camps in Kefrum village in Şera district, in what are known as “colonial houses” built by Qatar, Turkey, Palestine and Kuwait.

Infrastructure in these camps is inadequate, basic needs are unmet and hygiene conditions are extremely poor. According to sources, of the more than 1,400 families who have returned so far, only around 500 to 600 have been able to enter their homes.

Mercenaries refuse to leave homes, they demand money

Ibrahim Shexo of the Afrin Human Rights Organization summarized the situation this way: “The foreign mercenaries settled there earlier are not leaving the homes. Damascus has a form of authority there, but not real control. It cannot force those outsiders to leave.”

Shexo said meetings had been held with groups from Deir ez-Zor and Al-Mayadin settled in the region during the occupation regarding vacating homes, but there is no enforcing power. He said: “There were also meetings among tribal figures and community elders. But there is no force to implement it. They do not leave and they demand money from the people. There is no power to remove them. The people returning are already displaced; they do not even have the means to pay this money.”

Mercenary groups are demanding between 3,000 and 5,000–10,000 dollars from homeowners whose houses they seized. Those who do not pay cannot enter their homes.

Security crisis and looting continue

Those returning are facing attacks on their homes, theft and plunder. Ibrahim Shexo issued this warning: “They attack people’s homes. Money, phones and gold are stolen. When a local resident goes to another village or elsewhere for work, they stop them, bind their hands, arms and eyes and subject them to torture. Incidents and cases like these have increased. So far, none of those responsible for these crimes have been held accountable.”

Although security should be ensured by internal security forces, in dozens of such incidents to date, perpetrators have not been identified or investigated. Local sources say the authority of the Damascus administration in the region remains inadequate, while Turkish state-backed mercenary groups still hold de facto control.

The picture is even darker in Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî

The situation in Serêkaniyê is no different from Afrin. Known for its epic resistance against Al-Nusra in 2012–2013 and against ISIS in 2014–2015, the city was occupied in 2019. Thousands of families settled in Serêkaniyê, Waşokanî and Newroz camps in the Cizir region. Images recently shared on social media show mercenary groups looting seized homes, removing doors and windows and in some cases destroying houses beyond repair. Families of the mercenary groups openly threaten: “We are not leaving, this is ours. We will not allow anyone to come here.”

Contacts over the return of Serêkaniyê’s displaced residents are continuing. Hasakah (Hesekê) Governor Nureddin Ehmed yesterday, April 21, received the Presidency representative tasked with monitoring implementation of the January 29 agreement, along with members of the Serêkaniyê Displaced Committee. Committee representatives stressed in particular that improving security in the city and fully clearing mines planted by mercenary groups are preconditions for return.

According to information shared by the committee, returns will take place under a three-phase plan. It was also stated that the issue of evacuating around 300 foreign families currently living in the homes of residents has come onto the agenda.

Similar property seizures and threats continue in Girê Spî.


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