The “Democratic Communal Society Manifesto,” prepared by a commission on the basis of the “Peace and Democratic Society Manifesto,” which consists of the speeches of Abdullah Öcalan, the Kurdish leader, has been published in Turkish in Europe. It has been stated that the manifesto will also be printed in other regions, particularly in Turkey. It is further expected to be rapidly translated into several major European languages, especially Kurdish, and published widely.
The “Democratic Communal Society Manifesto” was first published by the magazine “Komînal,” which began its publication life in March. Thus, revolutionaries and socialists, particularly Kurds, have gained both a monthly magazine and a new manifesto. Undoubtedly, such a publication cannot be regarded as merely a magazine; socialist movements and their cadres traditionally conduct their regular monthly education through publications of this kind. Likewise, possessing a manifesto signifies the identification of societal problems and the presentation of solutions, especially for women and youth, as well as for society as a whole. Generations and societies that possess a manifesto make significant leaps forward by looking to the future with hope.
The Democratic Communal Society Manifesto, compiled from the speeches and writings of Abdullah Öcalan, consists of a total of eight chapters, excluding the introduction and conclusion. While the introduction prepares the reader for a profound analysis of historical sociology, the conclusion summarizes the truths revealed by the Manifesto, which is approximately the length of an average book.
The first chapter of the Manifesto, titled “Nature and Meaning,” defines nature, humanity, society, and the significance of human relationships. It presents the philosophical perspective of Abdullah Öcalan, which can be briefly described as “Meaningism.” The chapter also incorporates a dialectical method that is constructive and generative rather than destructive. Öcalan criticizes crude materialist approaches that perceive humans and society solely in physical terms while neglecting their metaphysical dimensions, thereby underestimating the power of thought and spirituality. He also critiques the dogmatic interpretation of dialectics, emphasizing that events and phenomena should be understood through a lens of quantum diversity and infinity.
The second chapter, titled “Social Nature and Problematics,” first conceptualizes social nature and defines the moral and political character of society. It then primarily explains the initial rupture within the maternal communal society and the problematic that emerged with the formation of the male hunter group. At this point, the Manifesto introduces a new and ambitious historical thesis. It criticizes historical perspectives that claim social divisions began with the emergence of class and the state, and instead clearly argues that social history is shaped by the duality of the commune and the state.
The third chapter, titled “The Commune and State Dichotomy in Historical Society,” examines this historical thesis within the unique context of each period. It explains how the male hunter group transformed into what is described as a “caste-based killer,” how this system attacked the values of the maternal communal society, and how women resisted these assaults in an effort to preserve communal values. The chapter further outlines how, following the defeat of women, this “caste-based killer” system evolved into structures of power and the state, how the statist system developed and expanded, and how the first age of aristocracy and the axial age of philosophy emerged, all presented in a clear and accessible manner.
In the fourth chapter, titled “Modernity,” Abdullah Öcalan advances highly ambitious and meaningful theses. After reiterating his argument, extensively elaborated in his defenses, that European modernity is not singular but rather the sum of values originating from various regions, particularly the Middle East, he asserts that capitalism did not create modernity but instead appropriated it. On this basis, he critiques perspectives, especially Marxism, that regard capitalism as progressive. Far from being progressive, he evaluates capitalism as anti-societal and as the final representative of the “caste-based killer” system, waging an assault aimed at the destruction of society. In doing so, the Manifesto presents the problem-solving and society-building reality of democratic socialist modernity as an alternative to the societal hostility of capitalist modernity.
Based on these evaluations, the fifth chapter examines the Middle East, while the sixth chapter focuses on the reality of Kurdistan. These sections explain in a comprehensive and accessible manner how the Middle East and Kurdistan served as the cradle of the maternal communal society, how sociality developed within these geographies, and how social fragmentation and the struggles emerging from it have persisted. The Manifesto also highlights how the women-led communal values of the Middle East and Kurdistan have resisted and sustained themselves against all forms of anti-societal attacks. Furthermore, it assesses the condition of these communal values in the face of the last two centuries of assaults by European capitalist modernity and elaborates on the significance of the democratic modernity solution.
In its seventh chapter, the Manifesto presents Abdullah Öcalan’s assessment of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) following its dissolution, a development that has become part of history. It states that the PKK emerged as a movement of revival and resistance for the Kurdish people against policies of denial and that Kurdish existence was secured through the PKK’s resistance. At the same time, the Manifesto analyzes the influence of modernity on the PKK, particularly the extent of its impact by real socialism, and argues that freedom could not be achieved through the PKK alone. It clearly expresses that the dissolution of the PKK should be understood not as an end but as a new beginning. Within this framework, the Manifesto also evaluates both the challenges experienced by the PKK and the achievements it secured.
In the eighth chapter, titled “Characteristics and Tasks of the New Era,” Abdullah Öcalan outlines the theory, program, strategy, and tactics of what he defines as the new period of “achieving freedom.” He presents, in an interconnected manner, the theory of democratic communal modernity, the program of the democratic nation, a strategy of democratic politics based on self-defense and holistic law, and the forms of action appropriate to this new era.
The Democratic Communal Society Manifesto sets out its framework so clearly and comprehensively as a guide for education, organization, and action that it effectively refutes those who claim, “We cannot understand what Leader Apo says or what the Movement is fighting for and how.” For those who genuinely seek to understand and implement its ideas, the Manifesto possesses all the qualities of an unparalleled guide. However, a certain level of theoretical background is necessary for a full comprehension of its content. Therefore, it is essential not only to read the Manifesto individually but also to read and discuss it collectively with the people. As a fundamental educational material, it should be studied and debated with the public in all spheres, thereby strengthening the people’s capacity for understanding and enhancing the level of practical implementation.
The Manifesto places particular emphasis on the concept of the “commune,” examining it extensively and presenting communality as the fundamental solution. In order to realize the solution of democratic integration, both a democratic republic and a democratic society are required. While a democratic republic necessitates its own distinctive forms of struggle and organization, a democratic society calls for communal organization and communal struggle. For this reason, it is essential above all to understand the commune and to carry out efforts aimed at building a communal society. As noted in the previous article, although the term “commune” is widely used in discourse, there is often a failure to engage directly with the people in order to organize it. Consequently, these ideas remain at the level of rhetoric and do not translate into practice or action.
What, then, should be done? The answer is clear: it is necessary to engage directly with the people, to immerse ourselves among women and young people, and to live and work alongside workers and laborers. The response to the question of what should be done is unequivocal: to discuss with the people, live with the people, and work with the people. A commune cannot be created through rote understanding, nor is it a singular or uniform structure. Rather, the commune represents a consciousness of life, a philosophy, a principle, a style, and a practice. Communal life is diverse and vibrant, and no two communes are alike. Therefore, each commune must be established in accordance with its own unique characteristics. This requires being present within the community and finding solutions through dialogue with the people. Anyone who goes to the people, engages in discussion with them, and lives and works alongside them will undoubtedly find the solutions they seek.
In conclusion, to correctly understand and successfully implement the Democratic Communal Society Manifesto, it is essential to immerse ourselves deeply within society and to do so with a comprehensive spirit of mobilization.
Source: Yeni Özgür Politika
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