In the case heard at the Old Bailey Central Criminal Court in London, where six Kurdish activists are on trial, the indictment submitted by the prosecution and the charges brought against them closely resemble the KCK trials in Turkey.
The trial, which directly targets the political and democratic activities of the Kurdish community in the UK and in which six Kurdish activists are being prosecuted, is ongoing at the Old Bailey in London. To date, 25 hearings have taken place, and the indictment prepared by the prosecution, along with the charges raised, has sparked public debate.
The indictment against Ali Poyraz, Ercan Akbal, Türkan Özcan, Agit Karataş, Berfin Kurban and Mücahit Sayak accuses the activists of “membership in the PKK and carrying out activities on behalf of the organization.” While they are charged with “membership in an armed organization,” the case file contains no concrete evidence of any act of violence or possession of weapons.
The case was initiated following large-scale police raids conducted on 27 November 2024 against the Kurdish Community Centre (KCC) and the homes of numerous Kurdish activists. The scope of the indictment and the nature of the accusations have led to assessments that they resemble the allegations made in KCK trials in Turkey.
A 12-member jury is serving in the trial at the Old Bailey. In the trial, where the judge, prosecutor and their assistants are present, the activists’ defence is undertaken by a team of 12 lawyers.
While the Kurdish activists are not held in pre-trial detention, they attend hearings wearing electronic ankle tags following their detention process. Judicial control measures remain in place throughout the trial, including a ban on entering the area where the Kurdish Community Centre is located and restrictions on leaving their homes during certain hours of the day.
London version of the absurd allegations witnessed in KCK trials in Turkey
In the trial, which began in the first week of January, the prosecution’s indictment was read for nearly three and a half weeks. Subsequently, police officers affiliated with the Home Office who intervened in the case gave testimony and were cross-examined. In the next phase of the proceedings, the activists are expected to undergo cross-examination.
However, the indictment and the charges brought against the Kurdish activists resemble a London version of the absurd allegations witnessed in KCK trials in Turkey. While the file contains no findings related to any concrete act of violence, it appears that alleged organizational ties are being inferred primarily from political, social and cultural activities.
The nature of the elements presented as “criminal evidence” in the hearings held so far and in the indictment reveals the lack of a solid legal basis for the case.
The indictment cites the discovery of a spare key to a safe belonging to the Kurdish Community Centre during a search of Ercan Akbal’s home as evidence that he was a “senior executive of the organization.”
The revolutionary anthem “Çerxa Şoreşê,” sung by Agit Karataş together with friends, was also presented as evidence of organizational membership. The song, written in 1988 by Xelîl Xemgîn in response to the Halabja Massacre and repression in Kurdistan, was characterized by the prosecution as a “PKK anthem.”
Campaign including Nobel Laureates also in the file
One of the allegations of “organizational membership” directed at Agit Karataş is his support for the “Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan” campaign, launched in 2016 by 16 trade unions in the UK and expanded internationally in 2023. The prosecution described the campaign as an “organizational activity.”
The prosecution further argued that the campaign activities, conducted under a “Campaign Committee” and involving Nobel Prize-winning writers, academics and politicians, constituted illegal organizational activity. It stated that “carrying out the Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan campaign demonstrates affiliation with the organization.”
The British prosecutor also claimed that the Kurdish word “Heval,” meaning “friend” or “comrade” and widely used in daily life, was evidence of an organizational bond among the defendants. The activists’ use of this form of address was presented as proof of “affiliation with the organization.”
Graveside commemorations also deemed a crime
The indictment also criminalizes commemorations and condolence gatherings held at the Kurdish Community Centre. In particular, events organized for those who lost their lives while fighting against ISIS in Rojava within the ranks of the YPG, as well as graveside commemorations, were evaluated as “organizational activities.”
In this context, commemorations held for British activists Jack Holmes, Anna Campbell, Konstandinos Erik Scurfield and Oliver Hall, as well as British citizen Mehmet Aksoy, who were killed in the fight against ISIS, along with condolence gatherings for Kurds who lost their lives in conflicts in Kurdistan, were included in the indictment as “terrorist activities.”
Commemoration events held at the grave of Mehmet Aksoy in Highgate Cemetery were also described by the prosecution as “organizational activities.”
The prosecution further presented as “evidence of organizational membership” the fact that Kurdish politician and writer Ali Poyraz commemorated Hüseyin Poyraz (Rubar Dicle), who was killed in a Turkish airstrike on 6 January 2017, at the Kurdish Community Centre and received condolence visits there.
Additionally, the prosecution used as evidence an old case file found at Ali Poyraz’s home relating to his arrest and trial during the period of the 1980 military coup in Turkey, when he was detained at the age of 17 and faced the death penalty.
Cultural activities counted as ‘organizational ties’
The British prosecutor also described the Kurdish Community Centre, operating in London’s Haringey district since 1988, as a “PKK base.” The centre, which provides cultural, social and health services to migrant communities, was portrayed by the prosecution as a location where organizational activities are conducted.
The Kurdish Community Centre, also referred to as the “Kurdish House” in London, is known as a venue that has hosted politicians such as UK Deputy Prime Minister David Lammy, Jeremy Corbyn, Bambos Charalambous and Catherine West, as well as leading trade union figure Simon Dubbins and numerous academics, artists, poets and writers.
In response to the prosecution’s attempts to criminalize the 37-year-old Kurdish Community Centre, defence lawyers presented the jury with photographs of figures such as David Lammy and Jeremy Corbyn taken inside the KCC building.
Qazî Muhammed also organization-related
The British prosecutor furter labelled all materials found at the Kurdish Community Centre during the 27 November 2024 operation as “organizational material.” Photographs of Kemal Pir, Hayri Durmuş and Akif Yılmaz, who died in prison during the 12 September military coup period in Turkey, as well as images of various Kurdish and internationalist figures who lost their lives in different periods, were added into the file as evidence.
In this context, photographs of Qazî Muhammed, leader of the Mahabad Republic, Sheikh Said, Seyid Rıza and Abdullah Öcalan were also presented as evidence of organizational links.
The prosecution cited a WhatsApp conversation as evidence to support the allegation of “membership in an organization” against activist Berfin Kurban. However, defence lawyers demonstrated in court that the correspondence was with British journalist Jake Hanrahan, who had been detained in Amed (tr: Diyarbakır) in 2015 on allegations of “espionage.” The attempt to construct “organizational membership” from communication with a journalist was noted by the jury.
The indictment, focused on criminalizing Kurds, also alleged a hierarchical relationship between KCDK-E, one of the Kurdish democratic umbrella organizations in Europe, and the Kurdish Community Centre, claiming that reporting to KCDK-E was part of an organizational structure.
Marches, panels, seminars, Newroz celebrations and women’s and youth activities organized in London and across the UK were likewise presented as “criminal evidence.” Furthermore, the adoption of the “Democratic Confederalism” paradigm developed by Abdullah Öcalan in İmralı Prison was cited as proof of organizational affiliation.
Co-chair system and gender-liberationist model deemed ‘criminal activity’
The indictment also treated Kurdish political and social models—such as organization through assemblies, the co-chair system and a gender-liberationist approach of governance—as grounds for accusation, evaluating them as “criminal activity.”
Defence lawyers argued in court that these activities should be considered within the scope of freedom of expression and democratic organization, providing assessments on Kurdish history, sociology and the concept of democratic confederalism.
‘It is not only six activists on trial, but the Kurdish people’
Ali Has, one of the lawyers in the case, summarized the proceedings as follows: “Democratization is not attributed to the Kurds. According to the prosecutor’s approach, Kurds are told ‘you cannot be democratic’ and are labeled with criminal tags. The democratic organization and struggle of the Kurds is not recognized as legitimate.”
Stating that the trial does not concern only six individuals, Has emphasized that it should be viewed in a broader framework: “We are facing a trial that questions why Kurds prefer a democratic model of organization. This case targets not only six Kurds, but the democratic and cultural organization of the Kurdish people.”
Has noted that the template used in the indictment resembles that of the KCK trials in Turkey: “Just like in KCK trials, the case is conducted through an organizational template. Democratic activities such as the use of the word ‘Heval,’ the concept of a ‘Campaign Committee,’ or the Freedom for Öcalan campaign are presented as criminal evidence. The prosecution frames these as proof of ‘organizational membership and affiliation.’”
He stressed that there are no anonymous witnesses in the file and no allegations involving weapons or acts of violence, adding that the accusations are based on words, meetings and symbols.
Saying ‘Heval’ equals to membership in an armed organization
Has also denounced the portrayal of the 37-year-old Kurdish Community Centre as an “organizational hub”: “KCC is a centre where the community carries out social and cultural activities. Accusations based on raids, safe keys, condolences, commemorations and photographs amount to the criminalization of democratic activity.”
He stated that footage from the police raids on the activists’ homes was shown to the jury: “During the raid, doors were broken down with sledgehammers, and physical force was used in some detentions. These images influenced the jury and introduced the element of police pressure and violence against Kurds into the trial process.”
Has emphasized that the prosecution presented YPG commemorations, meetings with journalists and social events as evidence: “Democratic Confederalism and social organization practices are portrayed as criminal elements. This approach targets the democratic organizational practices of Kurdish communities.”
He reiterated that there is no concrete evidence supporting the charge of “membership in an armed organization,” and the indictment instead highlights concepts such as “Heval” and “Campaign.”
‘Not a single allegation of violence’
Ali Has stated that the case is being conducted under the 2001 “Terrorism Act” enacted after 9/11, saying: “Kurds are being tried as ‘members of an armed organization,’ yet there is not a single allegation of a violent act.”
Stating that the political and social organization carried out by Kurds on the basis of democratic confederalism has been made the subject of criminal charges, Has said the following: “The defence is clear: Democratic Confederalism is a pluralist and civilian political model. The engagement of Kurdish youth in political and cultural activities is not criminal, but a social choice. Political symbols, songs and campaigns fall within the freedom of expression. Kurdish community centres emerged from the sociological needs of the diaspora.”
How did the case begin?
The raid carried out against the Kurdish Community Centre (KCC) in London and Kurdish activists on the night of 27 November 2024 was recorded as one of the most severe police operations faced by the Kurdish people in Europe in recent years.
At 03:05 on 27 November, British police conducted simultaneous raids on the KCC building and the homes of several Kurdish activists. Doors were broken down with battering rams and sledgehammers, and detained activists were handcuffed behind their backs, forced to the ground and assaulted.
During the raid, a 15-year-old Kurdish child identified as R.P. was also affected. Hediye Akbal, wife of detained activist Ercan Akbal, suffered a heart attack while handcuffed and was taken to hospital in handcuffs before receiving treatment.
Police affiliated with the Turkish Police Association were reportedly involved in the operation. British police made statements criminalizing KCC and Kurds. Individuals inside the KCC building, where Kurdish youngster Mazlum Sayak was detained, were subjected to violence, and the beds of Kurdish refugees were stained with blood.
For five days, police effectively established a station outside the homes of those detained, including Kurdish People’s Assembly Co-Chair Türkan Budak, Kurdish People’s Assembly of Britain employee Ercan Akbal, Kurdish politician and writer Ali Poyraz, Kurdish Foreign Relations Representative Agit Karataş, Kurdish women’s activist Berfin Kurban and Mazlum Sayak.
The Kurdish Community Centre, which has provided migration, cultural, social and community services to hundreds of thousands of people—primarily the Kurdish community—since 1988, was closed by police for two weeks and subjected to extensive searches.
The police report stated that the bank accounts of KCC and Heyva Sor were seized.
Protests began immediately outside the KCC building, and police attacked demonstrators, detaining and injuring many. As protesters were dragged into custody, resistance against the violence intensified.
Concrete barriers and iron barricades were placed in front of the KCC building, where a group of Kurds set up tents and began a hunger strike. The hunger strike tent was visited by North London mayors, civil society organizations and several figures, including Technology Minister Feryal Clark Demirci. Tens of thousands participated in protest marches throughout the process.
In mass marches, tens of thousands gathered against the British police’s criminalization policies, chanting “Hands off the Kurds.” As resistance spread in waves, Kurds and their allies expanded their opposition in the streets, in diplomacy and across all spheres of life for nine consecutive days.
In a first for London, shopkeepers on Green Lanes, where the KCC building is located, closed their shutters in protest of the police operation.
Following the growing resistance, British police handed over the KCC building—surrounded by iron and concrete barriers—to administrators and the KCC lawyer with an official report. It was observed that doors had been broken and comprehensive searches conducted.
As Kurds returned to the KCC building, detained activists were brought before the court after 14 days. The court imposed electronic tagging, a requirement to report daily to police, a curfew between 06:00 and 19:00, and a ban on communicating with one another. The activists were also banned from entering KCC and from being present in the Haringey area. Additionally, a £20,000 bail condition was imposed on Agit Karataş.
Around 15 months later, the Kurdish activists continue to live under judicial control measures and electronic tagging. Despite having no prior criminal records or involvement in any acts of violence during their time in the UK, they remain on trial for alleged “membership and leadership of an armed organization.”
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