In an extensive interview with ANF, Cemil Bayik, Co-Chair of the KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) Executive Council, emphasizes the importance of Kurds standing together in national democratic unity on the one hand, and the complementary international solidarity on the other. Bayik also evaluates the current status of the ‘Peace and Democratic Society Process’ in Turkey.
We publish the third part of the in-depth interview, the first part of which can be found here and the second part here.
In the wake of the attacks, many impressive acts of solidarity took place worldwide. These actions are seen to be comparable in scope and impact to the wave of international solidarity historically associated with 1968. How do you evaluate the reasons for the emergence of such a strong level of international solidarity? What impact does it have?
In the course of the Kobanê resistance in 2014, socialist and revolutionary democratic forces from all around the world carried out powerful actions of solidarity. Hundreds of internationalists rushed to Kobanê and Rojava to join the resistance, and dozens of them fell as martyrs. The bond between internationalists and the revolution of Rojava goes back many years. Hundreds of internationalists from every corner of the world have come to the area to witness the experience there, and they participated in the creation of the democratic system. Hundreds of internationalists who went to Rojava and experienced the women’s revolution and the democratic confederal system there have returned to their countries. They learned about the paradigm of Kurdish people’s leader Abdullah Öcalan and its concrete manifestation, albeit all its shortcomings, and today they are dealing with the question of how they can implement what they have learned from the democratic system in their own country.
The youth of the ’68 generation expressed a rebellion against the system of capitalist modernity. In essence, it also expressed a rebellion against real socialism that created the authoritarian, statist, and bureaucratic system. The most radical reflection of this generation could be found in Turkey. In Turkey, the ‘68 generation was inclined to embrace socialism and aimed to organize and struggle on this basis. What this generation lacked was a systematic ideological and theoretical direction.
The majority of those who developed actions of solidarity for Rojava embrace Leader Öcalan’s paradigm that is based on women’s freedom, social ecology, and democratic society. The influence of Leader Öcalan’s paradigm has spread globally.
The European democratic public considers it a duty to help Rojava, which has defeated ISIS and saved Europe from this scourge. Not only the peoples of Europe, but peoples all over the world know well that it was the revolutionaries of Rojava who defeated ISIS. This has paved the way for a massive participation of the international community in solidarity actions with the resistance of Rojava. The Kurds should be proud to have such friends. One of the tasks of the Kurds in Europe should be to get their friends further involved. The participation of other peoples does not diminish the contribution of the Kurdish people in the slightest but rather underlines its importance. The Kurds’ struggle has international support. The Kurds are no longer, as was once said, a ‘people without advocates.’ The revolutionary democratic forces of the world embrace the Kurds.
It is decisive for international socialists, democratic forces, and society in general to express this solidarity with the Kurds. In the past, Kurdistan was closed off to the world, and as a result, the Kurds faced massacres and genocidal attacks. The Kurds managed to find a way out of this through their own effort and struggle. Today the world sees what the Kurds have been confronted with, and the world sees the struggle of the Kurds. It is due to the paradigm of women’s freedom, social ecology, and democratic society, and its implementation, that people worldwide look to the Kurds with inspiration today.
The growth of this solidarity strengthens our struggle for freedom, it presents our struggle to the world, and it exposes the capitalist modernist forces’ interests. It is a decisive factor in changing the views of governments and political forces in Europe. Facing the massive spread of solidarity with Kobanê in reaction to the attack, which was the result of an international conspiracy, the involved powers and political forces had to change their stance. Today, with their democratic mentality of women’s freedom, Kurds are an example for the peoples of the world. And this influence is constantly growing. This had been seen in the actions taken in support and solidarity for Rojava, and we are proud of this.
In the course of the attacks on Rojava, a unified national stance among the Kurdish people, the likes of which has never been seen before in history, has formed. Wherever Kurds live, they have responded to the calls for mobilization, taken to the streets, and raised their voices. Kurdish parties and organizations have taken positive stances in this process. How do you assess this development? Do you see that there is a possibility that this will go beyond a short-term stance and turn into a common mind and organization?
The actions to support and to take responsibility for Rojava were seen in all four parts of Kurdistan and abroad. The rise of the Kurdish people’s passion for freedom was demonstrated. Our people have a century-long history of resistance against oppression and tyranny. In particular, the uninterrupted 52-year struggle under the guidance of Leader Öcalan has recreated the basis for these Kurdish people. The Kurdish people have been constantly on their feet for decades. There is no province or district where there has not repeatedly been uprising. In Bakur (northern Kurdistan, in today’s borders of Turkey), a struggle has been waged for decades at a heavy cost. This struggle has been so intense and relentless that every uprising and every passing moment has shaped society with new achievements and values. Patriotism and the passion for freedom have risen among the Kurdish people. This struggle in Bakur has deeply affected all parts of Kurdistan. This struggle has been seen as the guarantee, future, and honor of the Kurds. The prestige and influence of Leader Öcalan and the PKK in the four parts of Kurdistan increased significantly. The four parts of Kurdistan recognized this leader as their leader and the struggle as their own struggle. The psychology and climate created in Kurdistan by this 52-year struggle has been a great gain for the Kurds. It is this fact that forms the basis for the strong solidarity shown with Rojava against the attacks today. Our people know very well the role of our leadership and movement, which has fought a great struggle and created great values within the Kurdish people and history.
The artificial boundaries they had drawn on the maps were also reflected in the way people thought, felt, and dreamed. The struggle we waged in the four parts of Kurdistan removed these boundaries. Leader Öcalan’s ideas and paradigm were put into practice as organization and struggle in Kurdistan. Influencing the four parts of Kurdistan at this level has played an important role in the results that have emerged today. Our people know well that this was essentially created by our movement.
The actions in solidarity with Rojava are the result of decades of struggle. It is not a momentary reaction. In this sense, the Kurdish people’s unity on the social level has demonstrated that our people have gained great strength and experience in struggle. This reality has greatly raised our people’s hopes for the future and strengthened their belief that they will succeed with their struggle.
This attitude of the people has also influenced all Kurdish political forces, and so they played a positive role in the development of actions to support Rojava. We believe that the need for all political forces to demonstrate a unified political stance commensurate with the will of our people has emerged. The environment created by our people’s united stance will bring about further results in the political arena. The need for democratic national unity will assert itself more strongly. It has become a historical responsibility for all democratic social organizations, alongside Kurdish political parties, to play their roles in creating a strong national unity on a political level. The stance of democratic national unity demonstrated by our people clearly expresses the expectation that the political forces need to move beyond rhetoric and into practice. The opportunity to establish a national platform that will find solutions to the problems of the Kurdish people, primarily through joint self-defense and joint diplomacy, is greater than ever. In the statement in the name of the co-presidency of our Executive Council made in recent days, we stated that we are ready to develop such an effort and that we will be involved in initiatives and efforts in this direction. We have always communicated this to other Kurdish political parties, stating that we need to establish joint committees and begin working. We hope that after the actions to embrace Rojava, practical steps in this direction can be developed.
It can be observed that some Kurdish parties and nationalist tendencies are attempting to exploit the attacks on Rojava as some kind of opportunity. While they have adopted a narrative claiming to favor national unity and thus try to gain popularity, their practice continues to primarily reflect a policy focused on their own self-interest. They continued to collaborate with the colonial and occupying forces. How do you assess this?
In the phase we are currently in, we will not focus on that but rather try to look at it from a positive perspective. The most fundamental problem is that Kurdish parties are not open with each other. Even when there is an outwardly positive approach, negative practices are seen. This must be overcome. Each party has its own ideology, thoughts, and policies. The struggle needs to be based on a democratic fundament. The Kurdish people will embrace whatever ideas they find correct and act accordingly. From the perspective of political parties, we prefer to look at the positive side in this process. Talking about the half-full and half-empty glass of water – we see that the glass is half full.
We see that a smear campaign against Leader Öcalan and our freedom movement is currently taking place in the name of nationalism. It is not the concerns of the Kurdish people that drive those leading this campaign, but rather their personal aversion to Leader Öcalan and the PKK. Much could be said about them, but instead of engaging with them, we are focusing on how to develop the struggle and what gains we can achieve for the Kurds. We pay attention to the thoughts expressed by our people and political forces in open sources rather than digital media. We are occasionally informed about what is happening on digital media. Otherwise, we have neither the time to deal with digital media nor to chase after what is being said there. But of course, we try to learn what is being written and said in general.
Simultaneously with the attacks unfolding in Rojava and Syria, attacks also developed against the free press. There was an intense wave of attacks targeting both institutional addresses and digital media accounts. The Turkish special war media’s disinformation campaign reached its peak in this course. Still these attacks are being continued. How to approach this?
The Turkish state has a one-hundred-year-old tradition of a press that is hostile to Kurds. It disregards them and serves the genocide of Kurds. Especially in the last 15-20 years, the press in Turkey has become even more reckless. The press and journalism once had an ethic and culture. This has been completely destroyed in Turkey. It has become a press that serves to suppress the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom and is controlled from a central point. A significant part of the opposition press has also been reduced to defending the denialist and genocidal state policy.
Turkey’s policy to date has been so distorted and characterized by special warfare. They fear that a few free and opposition media outlets and a few words of truth will bring down their policies. So much so that the editor-in-chief of the opposition media outlet Tele1 has been arrested on unfounded grounds, and a trustee has been appointed to Tele1. Also, pressure and arrests against the free press and Kurdish journalists continue. Although the state media has so many channels at its disposal and the free press is so severely restricted, its true colors still come through and its lies are exposed. Their fight against the Kurds can only be sustained through lies and distortion, through special warfare. Turkey is governed neither by official laws nor by a normal press. A dirty war is being waged against the Kurds through unconstitutional and illegal policies and practices.
They have not abandoned these special warfare methods in the ‘Peace and Democratic Society Process’ either. As long as there is no fundamental change in their Kurdish politics, such practices are to be expected. One can also understand from the language of the press that the process has not progressed very far, as the press also reflects government policy. The press of those who think about permanent and fundamental solutions is not like this. Although statements affirming the process are seen from time to time, the style, rhetoric used, and assessments are reminiscent of previous years. On the other hand, certain habits and preconceptions in the Turkish press have become dogma for journalists.
There is a process underway in Turkey, pioneered by Leader Öcalan. As movement, we are also part of this process and are closely following the developments. The rhetoric of the press close to the AKP-MHP government serves those who oppose the process. This partisan press legitimizes the attitudes of those who oppose the process. The press affiliated with the AKP-MHP government does not engage in publishing that provides social support for the process. In fact, they play an even worse role than those who are openly opposed to the process. Since this language is one of intransigence, one sometimes wonders if this press is being directed by some external forces.
Although the free press has limited resources, it takes the right stance in the process through its publications. It strives for the process to advance towards democratization and the resolution of the Kurdish issue. The power of the truth to spread and influence always remains greater than the lie.
In light of all these developments, where are the ‘Peace and Democratic Society Process’ pioneered by Kurdish people’s leader Abdullah Öcalan and the direct negotiations with the Turkish state headed? Will the process continue in this manner?
The essence of the Peace and Democratic Society Process has been clearly and concisely outlined in Leader Öcalan’s call on February 27. However, the parliamentary commission, which should play a role in this regard, has not fulfilled its responsibility. There is a recent statement that views have converged on the issue of the so-called ‘Right to Hope.’ But in Turkey, it’s easy to say things without following through with actions. For us, practice is fundamental. Leader Öcalan’s freedom and ability to work freely are decisive. Only when this is ensured will we see the Right to Hope as implemented. It is without a doubt difficult to advance the process without Leader Öcalan being able to work freely and without him being in a position to play his role.
If democratization and the resolution of the Kurdish issue come to the fore in Turkey, the interests of many groups will be shaken; the taps flowing for them will be turned off. It is due to this that there are quite a few who want to obstruct the process. Meanwhile, the AKP-MHP government has not yet demonstrated a consistent commitment or the will to take the necessary steps. This raises questions in the public sphere about how far the process can progress. Of course, Leader Öcalan and we also want to advance the process with patience. But our efforts can only go so far. This is not a process that can be carried out unilaterally. Most importantly, Leader Öcalan must be in a position to meet with various individuals and circles.
And those who want to prevent the resolution of the Kurdish issue in Turkey are not only inside the country. Many outside of Turkey also do not see a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue as being in their interests. Due to this, they are pursuing policies aimed at disrupting the process. In fact, the attack on the Kurdish neighborhoods of Aleppo by HTS on January 6, and its subsequent redirection to North and East Syria, was also aimed at disrupting the process. Because the democratic society process cannot be carried out in an environment where conflict is intensifying and spreading. We therefore consider an attack process involving international powers and Turkey to be an international conspiracy. If the process underway in Turkey progresses towards democratization and the resolution of the Kurdish issue, the plans of certain internal and external forces will be thwarted. In order to achieve peace and democratic society and foil the conspirators and provocateurs, the Kurdish people must organize and struggle in unity and take responsibility for this process. Either such an understanding and struggle will thwart the conspirators and lead the process to success, or the conflict-based plans of internal and external forces will come into play. Leader Öcalan and we are trying to thwart this plan. However, if it is not completely thwarted, there is a possibility that a period of conflict will begin, dragging Turkey back into chaos and uncertainty. In this case, there will be changes in the organization and methods of struggle, but resistance will be offered using all means against the attacks. The process was initiated to put an end to this. From this perspective, it is important for us to succeed in the Peace and Democratic Society Process to prevent this situation from arising. For this, organization and multifaceted struggle are essential for the Kurdish people and our international friends.
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