Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) General Command member Sipan Hemo said the Rojava–Damascus agreement reached with the administration in Damascus aims to safeguard the gains achieved in Rojava Kurdistan, adding that the siege of Kobanê should be lifted soon.
Sipan Hemo said the positions won at great cost over fourteen years would be preserved without question and stressed that the agreement lays the foundation for the political recognition of the Kurds. He said the struggle waged in Rojava Kurdistan is grounded in human values and that this process did not emerge spontaneously but was forged through the sacrifices of thousands of lives.
Hemo said the agreement would be implemented in stages, noting that military forces would hold their positions; internal security forces would be deployed, and that the integration of institutions and organizations in Rojava would follow.
Hemo spoke to ANF about the Rojava–Damascus agreement and the latest developments in Syria.
The Damascus delegation visited Kobanê and Hasakah (Hesekê) and most recently Qamishlo. What level has the agreement reached?
Rojava and Syria have been going through a sensitive and historic period for some time. A struggle has been waged for fourteen years through immense sacrifices by our fighters and by the entire people. This stage was reached as a result of those sacrifices, and it has now taken the form of an agreement. This agreement is of great importance. In Rojava Kurdistan, we seek to carry the struggle for freedom forward on the basis of Kurdish freedom. The step that has been taken is significant because this process did not develop spontaneously or easily. Everyone knows, and the whole world knows, that thousands of lives were paid as the price for reaching this point. In this part of Kurdistan, an unprecedented struggle was waged against all attacking and hostile forces, and this achievement was secured as a result.
In essence, this agreement lays the foundation for the recognition of the Kurds’ political existence. For this reason, the step that has been taken is of critical importance. The labor of our people and our comrades in Rojava Kurdistan has now been transformed into a tangible gain. This agreement is not everything. We see it as the beginning of the struggle to secure a political foundation for the Kurds, as a fundamental step, and as a framework through which the Kurds can safeguard their political identity.
The heavy siege on Kobanê has continued for a sixteenth day. Under the agreement, the siege was to be lifted. Why has this not happened?
As announced within the framework of the agreement, its implementation will proceed in several stages. The first stage is the establishment of a ceasefire between the parties. Military forces will withdraw by one echelon. This will be followed by the deployment of internal security forces. Once this is completed, the second stage will involve the integration of institutions and organizations in Rojava.
Over the past two days, the steps of the agreement have begun to be implemented in Hasakah, and today the process was launched in Qamishlo. This process is being carried out by the internal security forces. The agreement will also be implemented in Kobanê.
Kobanê has been under siege since the first days of the war. The situation there is clear and differs in some respects from other areas. Kobanê was attacked from all sides and was then encircled.
The resistance of the SDF, the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) fighters in Kobanê wrote a new chapter of history. The fighters did not allow the enemy to take a single step toward the villages of Kobanê. The opposing forces knew that advancing into Kobanê in the face of such resistance would not be easy, and therefore chose to besiege the city. They sought to isolate Kobanê from other parts of Rojava, and this blockade has continued to this day. I believe this siege will be lifted in the near future within the framework of the agreement.
What was the role of the Turkish state in the attacks that began on 6 January? What role did it play in the agreement reached with Damascus and in diplomatic negotiations?
We have stated many times that the Turkish state has displayed a hostile stance not only in the current phase but also toward the gains achieved in Rojava and toward the people of Kurdistan. This has not been limited to this month; it has been the case from the beginning of the Rojava Revolution to the present day. The situation has not changed for nearly fifteen years.
The Turkish state is, of course, an influential actor with broad impact in the region. From the very first day, we have said that we do not pose any threat to the Turkish state. However, the Turkish state has consistently viewed this as a problem for itself and has persistently regarded the Kurdish people’s struggle as a threat.
The role of the Turkish state was seen clearly in Sheikh Maqsoud (Şêxmeqsûd), and particularly throughout January. From special paramilitary structures linked to the Turkish state to armed mercenary groups under its control, all were involved in those attacks. Turkish reconnaissance drones flew over Sheikh Maqsoud around the clock and bombed our comrades’ positions. The Turkish state was directly involved in this process; nothing took place without its knowledge.
Since the developments in Sheikh Maqsoud and Deir Hafir (Dêr Hafir), the Turkish state has been directly involved in this process. It has not only provided support but has acted in a position that actively steers the process. It exercises significant influence over the Syrian interim government and over armed groups and mercenary formations such as Jaysh al-Watani. Groups such as al-Amshat and al-Hamzat are directly affiliated with the Turkish state. These mercenary groups, which remain tied to Turkey, have from the outset been the very forces besieging and attacking Aleppo.
In the current phase, it was not only the Turkish state that was involved; a broader framework was in operation. Many states and forces were part of this framework. The aim was to impose a new design within Syria and Rojava. Numerous international and regional powers played a role in these attacks. The approach we seek to advance in the Syrian struggle was directly targeted. The occupying and hegemonic powers seek to manage contradictions and chaos to rule. To conduct politics over these forces and to consolidate their presence, they sought to generate conflict among the region’s components.
Today, the whole world knows that a new order is being constructed in the region, and comprehensive work on this order has been underway for many years. We, too, have been part of this process for nearly fifteen years. In short, the existing system seeks to prolong its own lifespan and attempts to legitimize itself by advancing various arguments. The argument it finds most effective is to perpetuate conflict among components and sects.
Despite all the adverse conditions, the struggle we launched in Rojava Kurdistan continues along a clear line and with a conscious approach. Our aim is for peace, democracy, and reconciliation to prevail in the region. These goals, however, run counter to the interests of hegemonic powers. This approach does not serve them; on the contrary, it generates strong opposition to them. For this reason, such an operation and conspiracy were devised. The process of unfolding represents a serious and comprehensive conspiracy directed against the struggle of the peoples.
Today, many powers say that the Kurds should have existence and identity, yet they seek to shape this in line with their own interests. An understanding has emerged among several influential powers in the region on this basis, and a comprehensive process of attacks was set in motion in Syria, and particularly in Rojava.
Some circles describe the withdrawal of the SDF from Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor (Dêrazor) and Tabqa as a defeat, while others view it as a success. What is your assessment?
This issue is extremely important. Together with the International Coalition, we waged a joint struggle against the ISIS. Thanks to the immense sacrifices of our fighters, ISIS was defeated in Northern and Eastern Syria and across Syria as a whole. This created a new opportunity for democratic awareness and for democratic forces to become influential throughout the country.
Since 2016, starting with Manbij (Minbic), we have in fact played an active role and assumed responsibilities in Arab-majority areas. Of course, we had shortcomings. We are assessing our mistakes and inadequacies in social, organizational and military terms. We are aware of our responsibility toward our people and do not shy away from criticism. We do not hesitate to be held accountable to our people; these are our shortcomings.
In reality, a planned conspiracy was set in motion. The aim was to ignite a new war between Kurds and Arabs that would last for years. They sought to create an environment of endless conflict marked by reciprocal massacres. Working on this plan had been underway for more than a year. Arab tribes were provoked. Special warfare methods were employed against them, and preparations were made. Despite all warnings, society was drawn into this trap.
We did not engage extensively with official armed forces, as their forces were not advancing in any case. A conspiracy mechanism had been implanted within society itself. Society turned against the institutions. In such a situation, the choice was either to adopt military posture or to withdraw. We chose to withdraw to prevent possible massacres. This decision prompted intense criticism and continues to be criticized.
We respect the criticisms voiced by our people and offer serious self-criticism in response to the criticisms. The issue is not limited to the criticisms of a society that has suffered great pain. There are also malicious political agendas and special warfare methods concealed behind this mobilization. The fifty-year struggle of the Kurdish movement is being targeted. Denying these gains is a grave insult and is wrong.
An attempt was made to create the perception that a fifty-year struggle had been lost overnight. In reality, a very significant gain has been achieved in Rojava Kurdistan. Kurdish political identity and will now being discussed in terms of international recognition. For the first time in centuries, Kurdish presence and politics in Syria are being spoken of. Kurds are being discussed in the European Parliament and in the United States Congress. The world is moving toward recognizing the Kurds. These gains were achieved through the conscious resistance of SDF fighters and the sacrifices of fourteen thousand martyrs. Without these sacrifices, who would be speaking today about the gains of the Kurds in Rojava Kurdistan?
Today, Rojava Kurdistan stands as one of the most important arenas of representation for Kurdish political identity in the world. Despite being the smallest part, it has compelled global recognition of the Kurdish question. SDF fighters stood against every form of attack, whether from the regime, the ISIS, or mercenaries affiliated with the Turkish state. The fighters who took part on the frontlines and fell as martyrs fought with consciousness. They did not fight for money or personal gain; they fought for an idea, the ideas of Abdullah Öcalan. This reality must be seen.
The Rojava Revolution emerged from the thought and philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan. How do you assess the attacks launched by nationalist circles and special warfare forces against the paradigm of the democratic nation and the fraternity of peoples following the latest attacks?
We are the resistors and fighters of the Kurdish people. This struggle was launched for the freedom of the Kurdish people. In pursuit of freedom and rights, the Kurds have paid thousands of prices. The Kurdish people, their fighters and their leaders have borne these costs. Our foundation is the Kurds and Kurdistan.
The Kurds have a distinctive character. The Kurds do not practice oppression or tyranny. They are people who seek freedom. They do not seek to impose oppression on anyone and aim to build good relations with their neighbors. Today, when the Kurds form a political will, they will live in peace with their neighbors and build relations on this basis.
This is not a matter of defeat or victory. We have developed a method and an approach; there may be shortcomings to this method. However, shortcomings in methods or tactics do not mean that the underlying idea is wrong. Throughout history, humanity has governed through divisions and hostilities. We stand against this by defending an idea grounded in the shared values of humanity.
There are discrepancies between statements by the Damascus government and your actions. Different accounts are given, particularly on military issues. You say the SDF will participate as brigades, while the Damascus government says those joining the brigades will be vetted individually. There are also differing statements on border crossings, training, and local administrations. Where do these inconsistencies stem from?
Differences in views can occur. At times, such differences in interpretation emerge. I can state the official position. The agreement and the statements between Damascus and us are consistent with one another. The only small detail that has not yet been clarified concerns the Kobanê–Til Temir Road. It has not yet been finalized whether we or they will control this road. The statements made in the name of the Syrian Presidency and our own statements are the same. The language used on our side and on their side may differ in how issues such as deployment and similar matters are phrased. However, the provisions of the agreement that have been shared are identical.
What will be the situation of prisoners and detainees?
According to the talks that have been held, the first step will be the deployment of forces. This will be followed by a phased process of integration. One of the key provisions of the agreement is the mutual release of all detainees. Work will be carried out on this issue.
How do you assess the resistance in Rojava and the united stance of the Kurdish people?
The resistance in Rojava was a source of great pride and an honorable stance. This dignified defense began in Sheikh Maqsoud and grew over time. The uprisings that took place thwarted the plans of those pursuing genocide and conspiracy. There were a major plan and framework directed against the Kurds, and this conspiracy is still ongoing. The aim is to eliminate all Kurdish gains and to dismantle the self-defense forces.
From Tishrin to Sheikh Maqsoud, from the resistance in front of Hasakah to the uprisings of the Kurdish people, the stance that emerged was sacred and meaningful. In Sulaymaniyah (Silêmanî), Erbil (Hewlêr), Zakho (Zaxo), Diyarbakir (Amed), Cizre (Cizîr), Dersim and many cities across Turkey; as well as in Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilatê Kurdistan), powerful uprisings took place. Kurds abroad were also on their feet every day. The hostile plans directed against the Kurds and Rojava were thwarted. The world was shown that the Kurds stand united.
I say this with full sincerity: the expression “2+2=1” carries the same meaning for me. The united stance of the Kurdish people is a truth; it is not merely a phrase or a theoretical description. It is a lively reality. I bow with respect before the Kurdish uprisings. Young and old, women and men alike rose up. If today we speak of gain or success, it is thanks to the Kurdish people and their uprisings.
What work will Sipan Hemo undertake from now on?
We are revolutionaries; revolutionaries of our country. Working in or contributing to a country is not about holding office or positions of authority. We will do whatever is necessary to serve the Kurdish people. A revolution is not about individuals gaining posts or doing things for themselves. What matters is to expand the gains of the Kurdish people and to secure their rights.
From now on, everything will be for the existence of the Kurdish people and for their gains. Wherever we are and under whatever conditions, the commitments we have made remain valid. Many of our comrades have fallen as martyrs, and the Kurdish people have made great sacrifices. Our stance is the stance of our comrade Ziyad. Even if we were to sacrifice our lives a thousand times for these people, it would not be enough.
We will continue our struggle with this understanding in Rojava, Northern Kurdistan (Bakur), Southern Kurdistan (Başur), and Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhilat). We are revolutionaries, and wherever we are, we will continue our struggle.