Actually, I could have titled this article “The Complex of Superiority.” This situation is also referred to as ‘chauvinism’ and “social chauvinism” in socialist literature. Undoubtedly, the Kurds living within the borders of the Republic of Turkey know very well what these concepts mean. They have learned this through experience over the last 100 years.
For this reason, when CHP Chairman Özgür Özel, speaking from the podium of the convention where he was re-elected as chairman and, somewhat arrogantly, used the terms “Stockholm Syndrome” and “falling in love with one’s executioner” to describe the situation, the Kurds were not surprised. Nor were they surprised when they heard the words, “Why is everything tied to Imrali?” directed at Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan, to whom over 10 million Kurds had signed their “Political Will” 15 years ago.
In fact, after Özgür Özel’s remarks, it became much clearer why the CHP did not send a representative to the delegation of the ‘National Solidarity, Brotherhood, and Democracy Commission’ formed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM), which visited Imrali on November 24 and held valuable discussions with Abdullah Öcalan on the Peace and Democratic Society Process. It is clear that the CHP rejected the will that the Kurds had designated as their chief negotiator. Moreover, there seemed to be an “Apo complex” within the CHP leadership and ranks. This also explains why they have frequently sought to visit Selahattin Demirtaş.
Of course, we don’t know who Özgür Özel was referring to with the term “executioner.” However, it is still fresh in our minds what kind of talks he held with the AKP administration under the name of “normalization” as soon as he became chairman. As for working with the MHP, we recommend that he look back at the periods when Bülent Ecevit and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu were chairmen.
The CHP’s “arrogance of greatness” is actually not very different from the chauvinistic approaches of the AKP and MHP. All Kurds have learned this situation well enough through decades of being humiliated and degraded. It could be said that no other dominant nation has applied a similar form of racist-chauvinist oppression against a national community as Turkish dominant nationalism has done against the Kurds. It would be possible to provide countless examples to illustrate this, but there is no need to elaborate further so as not to undermine the positive atmosphere of the Peace and Democratic Society Process we are currently experiencing.
Of course, since the CHP considers itself leftist, it is also possible to define its approach towards Kurds as social chauvinism. Especially with the Peace and Democratic Society Process we are experiencing, there has been a noticeable increase in similar attitudes among certain circles that define themselves as “Socialist” or “Communist.” They have launched a storm of attacks under the guise of “criticism,” as if they had just discovered and read Abdullah Öcalan’s Defenses, published 10-15 years ago, and as if a button had been pressed somewhere.
Attacks similar to those developed against the Apoist Group and the PKK during their founding stages are now reappearing. It is as if the Kurdish Freedom Movement is being told to “know its place.” By saying, “You are a national democratic movement; stay that way so we can have a relationship with you; socialism is not your business,” attempts are being made to push it out of the socialist movement, just as in the past. They say, “You are a national democratic movement, we are socialists; you do the practical work, theory is our business.” Like Rosa Luxemburg said to Kautsky, they have become the “guardians of Marxism’s treasure.”
In today’s world, there are those who go so far as to label Abdullah Öcalan, one of the few people who best know and understand Marx and Marxism, as an “ignorant peasant” simply because he criticizes some of Marx’s ideas and puts forward new ones. For this reason, he is being portrayed as an “anti-Marxist.” However, when one examines what is written under the guise of “criticism,” it is easy to see that the writers are actually ignorant of Marx and do not know Öcalan at all.
For now, what we can say to such people is this: If you truly want to engage in theoretical debate, you must first be open to change and innovation, and move beyond rote learning and dogmatism. You must also read the books of Abdullah Öcalan carefully and understand the dialectic of development and change in his thought. Also, if you are too young to know Abdullah Öcalan, it would be good to ask your elders who know him. Then you will learn well who provided the theoretical leadership in the practice of ADYÖD (Ankara Democratic Higher Education Association), which was founded in the spring of 1974 and eventually closed down.
Of course, our aim here is not to evaluate the articles in question. It is clear that this cannot be done in such a short piece. Nor do we need to resort to cheap praise of Öcalan or engage in polemics with anyone. Given that the agenda is dominated by the recent statements by the CHP, and especially by its new Chairman Özgür Özel, regarding the Kurds, it was necessary to briefly mention these points so that the truth can be seen a little more clearly. The source and meaning of all of them are the same: dominant nation chauvinism and social chauvinism! Great nation chauvinism and complex!
However, the struggle for freedom and democracy is undergoing a very important and meaningful process. The pressure and games of the ruling powers are increasing every day, and in response, all freedom-loving and democratic forces must develop their united revolutionary struggle in a multifaceted and creative way. At this point, there are both very serious dangers and great and meaningful opportunities. A little innovative thinking, collective action, creative style and methods, along with a little courage and self-sacrifice, can pave the way for historic revolutionary developments.
Indeed, the Third World War, which lasted 35 years, destroyed the system created by the Sykes-Picot Agreement in the Middle East, and the struggle to build a new system in the region developed and spread. Similarly, the PKK’s 50-year struggle has shattered the mentality and politics that were almost taboo within the system and included the “denial and annihilation of the Kurds,” thereby paving the way for the construction of a democratic Middle East based on free Kurdishness. Leader Öcalan defined this situation as “overcoming the negative-destructive period of the revolution and transitioning to the positive revolutionary period.”
Undoubtedly, such a change in the revolution requires new approaches and forms of organization and struggle. It is clear that significant developments of historic importance can be achieved by making these changes and renewals in a timely manner and developing a united revolutionary struggle on this basis. In this regard, libertarian and democratic forces must be at least as committed to seeking solutions and making efforts as the dominant system.
Now, while we should be putting these issues on the agenda, discussing them, and seeking solutions together to the problems of the current struggle, it is neither understandable nor acceptable that leftist and socialist forces are engaged in divisive debates, effectively opposing each other rather than fighting against the dominant system. Indeed, the DEM Party leadership has also assessed the situation in this way, calling on the CHP leadership to review its understanding and stance and to participate more actively in the Peace and Democratic Society Process.
Undoubtedly, this is the politically correct stance. Of course, such a political stance does not exclude comradely theoretical criticism and ideological struggle. On the contrary, comradely debate among forces that see themselves as part of the socialist movement will not hinder joint political struggle; rather, it will strengthen it. Reviving this culture, which has weakened in the past, during this historically significant process we are experiencing, and developing such a relationship and alliance among left-wing and socialist forces will enable liberal and democratic forces to be effective and achieve gains in the restructuring process taking place in the region.
Source: Yeni Özgür Politika