Aldar Xelil, a member of the Presidential Council of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), evaluated the recent developments in Syria. Xelil said the public no longer accepts the direction the country is heading and has therefore taken to the streets, emphasising that the only workable project for resolving Syria’s crisis is the North and East Syria Autonomous Administration project.
Xelil noted that the Syrian people have rejected the current trajectory and have begun to rise up. Xelil said: “A year has passed since the advance that began in Idlib and moved toward Aleppo. The forces pushing toward Aleppo reached Damascus on 8 December. Over the past year, the Syrian population expressed relief at the fall of the Baath regime. A sense of hope emerged among Syrians, hope for the establishment of a democratic system and for the restoration of stability.”
He continued: “Unfortunately, despite the year that has passed, chaos persists in Syria. From the fall of the Baath regime to today, insecurity has never ended. For fourteen years, the people have waged a revolutionary struggle, yet at this stage they are once again being pushed into crisis and chaos. Previously, the problems of the Syrian peoples were solely with the regime. The Baath regime was criticised for refusing to recognise the people’s will, for failing to seek democratic solutions, for imposing repression, and for eliminating freedoms. This is why the people wanted the regime to change.”
According to Xelil, the situation today has evolved beyond a simple question of political power. He said,“The issue is no longer just replacing those in power; Syria now faces more than a question of governance. Inter-communal conflicts and internal fighting continue. There were always disagreements with the regime, but internal conflicts were far less frequent. The regime was Alawite, yes, but no one openly labelled Sunnis as ‘enemies’ or incited sectarian hostility.”
Xelil explained that the current transitional government is reproducing many of the Baath regime’s practices: “It has chosen to be centralised and authoritarian, much like the Baath, while also creating space for sectarian tensions. After fourteen years of turmoil, the public had hoped these conflicts would end. At the very least, they expected living conditions to improve. They wanted to be able to move safely in their towns and villages. Over the past year, the people have seen no improvement; in fact, they have seen things worsen.”
Reacting to the attacks on peaceful demonstrations, Aldar Xelil said: “People took to the streets because they could no longer accept this situation. They demanded a safe life. They carried no weapons. They protested to express their demands for rights and freedoms. Voicing such demands does not mean siding with any individual or any group. It is an entirely legitimate right.
Why did we rise up against Bashar al-Assad? Because there was no security, no proper living conditions, and we demanded that these be improved. In Homs, people took to the streets with entirely natural demands. If these demonstrations had taken place not in an Alawite city but elsewhere, would they still have been attacked? These practices show that the transitional government is acting with discrimination. We see that it is not using its power in a democratic manner. We do not discriminate between communities. When one segment of society is attacked, people become fearful. This path leads Syria toward fragmentation.
What happened in Homs is a dangerous development, not a sign of improvement. This is not a clash between two sects. What is happening is that the government is organising segments of society and directing them to attack another sect. We consider this extremely dangerous. The government must stop this immediately.”
Xelil underlined that Syria has never experienced sectarian conflict between Alawites and Sunnis throughout its history. He said: “Since the founding of Syria, there has never been a Sunni–Alawite conflict in Homs. Even during fourteen years of struggle against the Baath regime, not a single day witnessed sectarian fighting between Sunnis and Alawites in the city. Tribes and Alawites have never fought each other. There have been attacks on government forces, yes, but never targeted assaults against a specific faith group. It is also wrong to hold all Sunnis responsible for these incidents. Sunnis, too, want to live freely and democratically in Syria. We ourselves are Sunnis. It is unacceptable for the government to build its political strategy by targeting Sunnis. We reject this entirely.”
The transitional government is responsible for the unrest in the coastal areas
Aldar Xelil said that Ahmed Al-Sharaa (Al-Jolani) is seeking legitimacy, added: “During his meeting with Trump, Al-Jolani wanted to present the impression that he had resolved Syria’s problems. Look at his earlier statements before travelling to Washington, he repeatedly claimed they were in dialogue to resolve outstanding issues. He reiterated the same message once he was there. He knew that if instability persisted in Syria, Trump might not support him.
He was aware that the lifting of economic sanctions, the development of relations, and prospects for stability, security and calm in Syria all depended on how much progress he could demonstrate. He went to Washington; whether his demands were met is a separate matter. What is clear is that he is now trying to impose his authority by force. They attempted to stir chaos and crisis not only in Homs and in areas populated by Alawites, but also in our regions. He believed he had received a green light from Trump. He thought, ‘Now I can do whatever I want.’ After meeting Trump, he assumed he had crossed the hardest threshold.
But he should not deceive himself. He may sustain this policy for a few months, but he cannot continue it for long.”
Xelil said the transitional government bears full responsibility for what has unfolded in the coastal regions: “The events we are witnessing today are directly the responsibility of the transitional government. As long as this approach continues, society will face these dangers repeatedly. It creates a constant atmosphere like a bomb ready to explode. The international community should understand this.
Al-Jolani and the forces aligned with him did not reach this point through resistance or struggle; international powers made this decision. After Gaza and Lebanon were dealt with, they concluded that Bashar’s time was over. That is how al-Jolani entered the picture. What he actually did was get in a car in Idlib and drive to Damascus. Someone else drafted the plan, and he merely carried it out.
Those who selected Al-Jolani had their own reasons, tied to Israel’s security and to Iran’s position. They considered all of this before placing al-Jolani in that role. But those who brought him in must also know this: if al-Jolani ends up governing worse than Bashar, the people will rise against him. His practices do not serve the unity of the peoples of Syria.”
Damascus cannot be Damascus without North and East Syria
Aldar Xelil noted that numerous armed groups continue to operate across Syria and said: “I am not sure how accurate this assessment is, but I will say this: we still do not fully understand what those who brought Al-Jolani into the picture actually want. When Al-Jolani first went to Damascus, he said in their meetings that there would no longer be a single armed militia in Syria, that weapons would belong only to the army.
Today, we were attacked. When we ask, ‘What is this?’ they respond: ‘It’s not us, it’s other groups.’ But didn’t they promise to eliminate those groups? This shows that the decisions made back then existed only on paper.
There are many different groups in Syria today. Some are ISIS itself; some are groups close to ISIS; others are forces loyal to Turkey; and some are affiliated with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). There are even groups operating under the name of the government.
Despite all of this, they talk about ‘achieving integration.’ How can you speak of integration when you have not even eliminated the armed groups? You know very well who these groups are and where they come from. These groups kill Syrian civilians every day, and you remain silent. Instead, you turn your hostility toward the forces that defended the Syrian people and freed Syria and the world from the threat of ISIS. Why? Simply to satisfy the Turkish state.
The government must first honour the agreements it signed with North and East Syria. This is essential if we are to rebuild Syria together.
Damascus cannot be Damascus without North and East Syria. The government must accept this. Otherwise, Damascus cannot serve as the capital of Syria. A government formed in Damascus without representatives from North and East Syria cannot claim legitimacy. And if the representatives of the peoples of North and East Syria are excluded from the constitutional committee, that constitution will not be legitimate. Nor will they be able to justify it to the world.”
Let us govern together, let us decide together
Aldar Xelil noted that the Autonomous Administration regions played a major role in the fall of the Baath regime. He continued: “Al-Jolani claims he brought down the Baath regime. Everyone knows that is not true but let us assume it were. He says that whoever wins the war gets to decide the future. In this revolutionary process, we have won two wars. We defeated ISIS, a so-called ‘state.’ We protected our people against the Baath regime. And we continue to protect them today. We, too, have won a war in Syria.
Had it not been for our fourteen years of resistance, had the Autonomous Administration not existed, the Baath regime would not have reached this point; it would not be on the brink of collapse within a matter of days. Our role in its downfall cannot be erased. We do not take Al-Jolani’s criteria as our own, of course; but even according to his logic, we should have a decisive say in Syria. Still, we do not claim ‘only us.’ We say: let us govern together, let us decide together. We already administer our own regions. We want this governance model to be applied across all of Syria.”
Xelil said they had foreseen the developments in Homs six months ago: “If this policy continues, what happened in Homs will happen in Hama and even Damascus. When Damascus speaks with North and East Syria, it must keep this in mind. If by ‘integration’ they mean disarming and dissolving the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), they should abandon that fantasy. Our strength is not merely military; we have administrative capacity, an organised social structure, and ideological strength. Instead of a hostile approach, we expect them to draw on the model we have successfully implemented for fourteen years.”
He stressed that the discussions Damascus should have held from day one with the representatives of North and East Syria were never the ones that actually took place: “Instead of asking how we can build a governance model for Syria, their first question has always been: ‘What will you do with SDF? Will you lay down your arms?’ But our issue is not just SDF. We want to talk about rebuilding an entire country.
Kurdish and Arab communities are the founding components of this country. Let them read Syrian history. Who was Syria’s first defence minister? A Kurd. Who stood at the head of the forces in Maysalun and confronted the French? A Kurd. Of course, it was not only Kurds; Syriacs, Druze, Armenians, they were all there. They built this country together. And that is what we are discussing today: the reconstruction of such a country.”
Xelil also said: “If you sit at the table thinking you represent Syria alone, you deny Syria’s entire history from the outset. This is the attitude we encounter when they sit across from us, as if they represent Syria and we have come from somewhere else; as if they are offering us something in exchange for us laying down our weapons.
Syria is one of the central components of Mesopotamia. The first written script was created here. The first civilisations were founded here. The earliest trade took place here. The first villages, the first cities, the first states, all emerged on this land. For this reason, Syria is not a place that can be represented by a single group. That would be a deeply misguided approach. And this government’s reading of history is fundamentally wrong.”
Al-Qaeda, ISIS and HTS cannot represent Syria
Aldar Xelil said that the only project capable of saving Syria is the Autonomous Administration project. Xelil said: “Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, various projects have been proposed for Syria. The Baath regime had its own project, which is precisely why the peoples rose up against it. HTS has a project. Those who brought HTS into the picture also have their own project. ISIS had a project. Jabhat al-Nusra and others, all of them had plans for ruling Syria.
And then there is our project. When we compare these projects, it becomes clear which of them is more democratic, which of them has endured, and which of them offers hope for Syria’s future. No one can seriously claim that Al-Qaeda, ISIS, HTS or similar groups can represent Syria. Perhaps five percent of people may believe that, but it is impossible to build a democratic and secular Syria with their projects.
ISIS has already been defeated. And projects based on the same mentality cannot be implemented in Syria. The Baath came to power in 1963 and imposed its project for decades, yet today that project has collapsed. The Baath cannot ask for another chance.”
Xelil continued: “Right now in Syria, there are two competing projects, the women-liberationist, democratic project we represent, and the project represented by HTS. Our project is the only viable one. Look at how HTS defines itself: they speak as though they alone represent all Sunnis. But Sunnis do not accept them. Sunni organisations reject the HTS project. Over the past year in Damascus, not a single statement from HTS has included the word ‘democracy.’ Not once have they mentioned women’s freedom. Some groups at least repeat certain concepts rhetorically; HTS, on the other hand, openly says democracy and women’s freedom are dangerous and must not be realised.”
Xelil underlined that the “democratic nation” project is precisely what Syria needs: “We want the democratic-nation project to be implemented across all of Syria. This project will strengthen the country. We invite everyone to engage with it.
HTS representatives throw themselves on the ground when we speak of decentralisation, accusing us of trying to divide Syria. But the opposite is true, we defend Syria’s unity. Decentralisation is not partition. We already apply this model in our own regions, and we are simply proposing it for the rest of Syria.
If you want to exist everywhere in Syria, you must develop this project. You must have a democratic model. Syria cannot emerge from crisis with their projects; in fact, the crises will deepen. If Syrians truly want an end to chaos and instability, if they want peace and security, they must embrace the democratic project.”
People are sending us hundreds of letters saying “save us”
Aldar Xelil said that people facing injustice in other parts of Syria are now calling on the SDF: “Pay attention to what happened yesterday in Homs, protesters were chanting for the SDF. This does not mean ‘let the SDF come here as a military force and govern the area.’ The SDF represents a project. Wherever the SDF exists, democracy develops, decentralisation takes root and the people govern themselves. The demand that emerged openly in yesterday’s protest is being voiced by hundreds, even thousands of people. Every day we receive hundreds of letters saying, ‘Save us.’ We also want to be able to move freely across all of Syria. We are part of this country too.”
Xelil stressed that a society with a strong sense of self-defence will not submit to anyone: “What matters to us is strengthening the people’s self-defence. Look at Sheikh Maqsoud, they attacked, yet they could not enter. There are no SDF military forces in Sheikh Maqsoud. And still they could not enter. Why? Because there is a social reality there, a people who have developed their own defence. That is our main objective. We want to achieve this across all of Syria.
In North and East Syria, it is impossible to see sectarian war. But look at what they have done in the rest of Syria in just one year, they are now facing full-scale sectarian conflict. Syria’s rich mosaic is being torn apart this way.
Alawites are citizens of Syria. No one can exclude or demonise Alawites. There are Kurds in Damascus as well. There can be no difference in rights between the Kurds of North and East Syria and the Kurds of Damascus.
People from different parts of Syria and even from outside Syria, come to North and East Syria seeking refuge. It is not right for anyone to abandon their land; but when someone comes seeking safety, you cannot say, ‘Why did you come?’ Those who committed crimes under the Baath regime, the intelligence officers responsible for violations must, of course, be held accountable. No one should protect them. But that is a separate matter. The people we are talking about are civilians.
No one can be displaced because of their identity or their faith. The mistakes of the past cannot be placed on the shoulders of a single person or a single community. That is unacceptable.”
HTS has taken no steps toward implementing the agreement
Aldar Xelil stated that HTS has not taken a single step toward implementing the 10 March Agreement and said: “The steps HTS has taken do not align with the 10 March Agreement signed between Damascus and the Autonomous Administration. Just two days after the agreement was signed, they released a draft constitution that contradicted everything written in the agreement. And then they turn to us and say, ‘Let’s implement the agreement.’ But you issued a statement completely contradicting it two days later. Even Al-Jolani cannot walk back from that now.
All articles of the agreement are interconnected. You cannot skip one article and move on to another. Those who have not implemented a single article keep pressuring us about disarmament. They have not implemented the provisions related to education, health or any other sector.”
Aldar Xelil continued: “External powers have their own calculations. At the top of their list is Israel’s security. They want to use HTS against Iran, they want to use them against Russia, and they want them close to Saudi Arabia. The United States and other powers act according to their own interests. No one can ask them, ‘Why are you acting in your own interest?’ because everyone acts in their own interest.
The United States did not start planning today. They have been implementing a project since the fall of Saddam, and they act according to that plan. The steps we want to take today may not fit into their calculations.
The crimes committed against Alawites and Druze in Syria have not been addressed. HTS, in its first statements, claimed that a commission would be established to investigate these crimes, yet no serious step has been taken. All their statements remained empty words. No accountability was pursued; everything was left to cool down. New massacres were committed on top of that and they, too, went unpunished.”