Jineolojy Academy member Bihar Ewrîn told ANFd that 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, is not a symbolic date, emphasizing: “If we want to bring about a revolution in the Middle East, we must first carry out a revolution of mentality. We must cross the boundaries that have been drawn for us. The struggle must be built in line with the perspective of Abdullah Öcalan.”
Abdullah Öcalan states in the Peace and Democratic Society Manifesto that the root of femicides lies in a frozen duality and the absence of a dialectical flow of thought. How do you interpret this analysis?
In the Democratic Society Manifesto, Abdullah Öcalan develops new interpretations and reflections on the question of women. Of course, Öcalan had already made significant assessments on this issue in his earlier writings. In particular, in the “free and equal co-existence” section of the Manifesto of Democratic Civilization, he explored the differences between men and women and argued that many social problems originate from the way relations between the sexes have been constructed.
In his new manifesto, he goes even deeper. He emphasizes that the fundamental problem lies in the mode of thinking: that femininity and masculinity emerged as a result of nature’s own dialectic. He explains that the social problem begins when this difference is turned into opposition. And he underlines that resolving this issue is only possible through dialectical thought.
When the relationship between women and men, or their biological differences, is framed as opposition, it becomes a source of conflict. If we look at mythological, religious, philosophical, or even scientific forms of thought, humanity has consistently interpreted women and men as two opposing beings. Women were approached not through their historical or social identity, but merely as biological entities. As a result, the man, seeing himself as the subject, established domination over women. This mentality of power did not stop there; it expanded into a form of domination over nature and over society as a whole.
Öcalan stresses that unless this issue is approached dialectically, social problems will only deepen. This point is crucial. We can clearly see it today in the mentality of the state: differences are treated not as sources of richness, but as threats. Different communities, beliefs, and identities are perceived as dangers, when in reality they are part of the richness of life.
Öcalan reminds us that difference itself is one of life’s greatest forms of richness. Unless we approach the question of women and men with this perspective, the problem will continue to grow.
Öcalan says, “Unless the culture of rape is overcome, the truth of society cannot emerge in philosophy, science, aesthetics, ethics, or religion.” How should such a deep-rooted issue be confronted?
The issue of rape is neither temporary nor limited to a particular historical moment. When we look at history, we see that harassment and rape have always existed, and that women’s gains have repeatedly been targeted. We see this even in the story of Enki and Inanna, there, too, there is seizure, appropriation, and dispossession. We do not treat rape merely as a sexual assault; the occupation of a country, the destruction of nature, and attacks on women’s achievements also fall under the scope of rape. Öcalan speaks of cultural rape and political rape as well.
One of the forces that fuels the culture of rape is militarism. During times of war and conflict, we witness the highest number of sexual assaults against women. In reality, rape becomes a tool of power. It is used as a weapon against societies, and one of the main reasons behind this is the domination imposed over women’s bodies.
Rape means turning something into property, taking control of it. As the culture of ownership expands, the culture of rape inevitably grows with it. In the 21st century, this culture persists in different forms almost everywhere in the world. In recent years, we have especially seen an increase in violence and rape against women in Kurdistan. In response, the women’s struggle and its achievements have also strengthened.
The culture of rape is a product of the patriarchal mindset. A strong struggle is needed to confront that mindset. Öcalan tells the women’s movement: “If you cannot grasp the culture of rape, you cannot speak of freedom.” Because rape is not only a sexual assault; it is the attempt to seize a woman’s values and achievements.
The most fundamental force in preventing rape is an organized, educated, and conscious society. Why is there no strong stance against sexual violence today? Because although it is recognized as a “crime,” society still tends to present women as the ones at fault. Women are often victims, yet they are treated as though they are the ones who should be judged. This is why silence is not an option.
The state itself is part of the rape system. For this reason, social awareness and social reflexes can play a decisive role in confronting such cases. If we are to speak of an ethical and political society, then a strong social response must be developed against every form of attack on society and on women.
Women’s movements have led numerous awareness and education campaigns on this issue. Öcalan also criticizes us women, saying that our struggle has not been sufficient. That is why a multi-dimensional struggle is essential.
I want to underline another point: Rape is often portrayed as an individual incident. It is reduced to “sexual inclination” or “personal deviance.” But rape is directly connected to power. We cannot see femicides or murders committed in the name of “honor” as mere family problems. These are outcomes produced by the state system and by the patriarchal structure.
Women must have the courage to speak about what they have experienced. To wage a strong struggle, taboos must be broken and social consciousness must be strengthened.
Öcalan argues that through his critique of women’s enslavement, a new level of liberation has emerged among Kurdish women. He also says that “a culture of free womanhood has been created,” while reminding us, “You are living with only ten percent of the culture of freedom.” How can a woman who possesses one hundred percent of this culture be described?
Öcalan states that his priority within the Kurdistan Freedom Movement has always been the struggle for women’s liberation. The thesis that “society cannot be free unless women are free” is his own. His work has consistently been built on this foundation. He has made extensive assessments on women and the family, noting that on the occupied lands of Kurdistan, familial and women’s issues had reached extreme levels. For this reason, even before proposing Jineology, Öcalan had already developed numerous theories and analyses. He devoted enormous effort to cultivating a culture of freedom, and each step taken within the women’s struggle has become a measure of that freedom. The struggle is not about reaching a point and stopping.
The women’s freedom movement has achieved significant gains. In recent years, it has become a source of inspiration both theoretically and practically. Women from across the world have come here, drawing inspiration from the values created.
There are profound challenges to being a woman in the Middle East. The women’s freedom movement confronts all of these difficulties and leads the effort to build a women’s confederation across the region. Although women have diverse identities and experiences, they must also be able to formulate common programs. Öcalan defines women as a nation, and this is why women must unite. In particular, the struggle against violence towards women must be elevated to its highest level.
In 2008, Öcalan opened a new chapter in the women’s freedom struggle with his proposal for Jineology. Through this guidance, Kurdish women paved a path of freedom for all women. Yet the road ahead is long. Women also play a central role in the process of building peace and a democratic society. Öcalan stated that women have a historic responsibility and reminded them once again that the twenty-first century is the century of women.
We say first that women must be liberated. As women gain their freedom, a democratic society can be built. A crucial and sensitive period lies ahead.
Öcalan says that “to win history, the communal woman must be brought forth.” He also states, “Without women’s freedom, one cannot be a socialist, and socialism cannot exist,” making clear that women’s freedom is the foundation of all freedoms. What defines a communal woman?
Öcalan approaches the relationship between women and men from a socialist perspective. “To insist on socialism is to insist on humanity,” he says. In his work Killing the Male, he argues that dismantling masculinity is a step toward socialism, placing socialist criteria before us. He identifies the historical roots of social problems in the conflict between the state and communal society. In this sense, the communal woman is also the socialist woman. Öcalan cites Jinwar as an example, pointing to the importance of strengthening women’s communes. A free woman, a communal woman, and a socialist woman must all share the same foundational principles. With the revolution in Rojava, many steps were taken. Countless women broke away from the roles imposed on them, leading to a profound awakening. A communal culture is being built.
If we want to make a revolution in the Middle East, we must first make a revolution of mentality. We must surpass the boundaries that have been drawn for us. In this regard, progress has been made. The struggle must be woven in line with Öcalan’s perspective. We must dismantle the mindset that defines women as the second sex and as property. This can only be achieved through struggle and education. We hope this effort will grow even stronger in the period ahead.
On the occasion of 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, I want to add that 25 November is not a symbolic date. We must overturn the official ideology. If we succeed, we believe that violence against women can truly be ended.