The world stands at the threshold of a critical period, where violence and chaos are increasingly normalized and the signs of the collapse of modern civilizations are evident. Yet today, violence is produced not only through the roar of warplanes or the barrels of tanks, but also through the numbing of minds, the erasure of memory, and the pacification of societies.
A quote attributed to German philosopher Günther Anders strikingly describes this new form of control: “To preemptively crush any rebellion, there is no need to resort to violence. Archaic methods like those of Hitler are now obsolete. Lower the level of education, turn access to knowledge into an elite privilege, and distract the masses with endless entertainment and consumption intoxication. In this way, the intoxication of advertising and consumption becomes the standard of human happiness and the model of freedom.”
Today, the same picture unfolds: violence operates not through direct prohibition but through emptiness and forgetfulness. Societies are constantly told “it’s over,” connections with memory are severed, and wills are forced to surrender. At this point, the words of French poet Charles Baudelaire echo in our minds: “The greatest trick of the devil is convincing you that he does not exist.”
The PKK’s decision to dissolve at its 12th Congress has been interpreted by many as an “end.” Yet this is nothing more than a trick to cover up the truth. While one era may have closed, it does not mean that the peoples’ need for freedom has ended. On the contrary, the size of the void makes a new question inevitable: the reconstruction of the PKK?
The concept of “void” has been widely discussed alongside the PKK’s dissolution. Yet the truth is this: the PKK’s history has always been about filling a void, asserting truth against nonexistence. Since its founding, it rejected the denial imposed on the Kurdish people, made the invisible visible, gave voice to the silenced, and expanded the legacy it inherited.
Today, the PKK is more than a dissolved organization; it is a historical truth spanning half a century and an eternal flame of resistance.
From the founding congress in 1978 to the dissolution decision in 2025, every congress represented the reconstruction of this truth in different forms. The return to the country and start of the guerrilla struggle in 1982, the ideological deepening and declaration of ARGK in 1986, the 1990 Heftanîn Congress as a guerrilla congress, reform in 1995, the resurgence, despite the 1999 international conspiracy, the 2005 “construction congress” on a new paradigm, the institutionalization of the Democratic Nation line in 2013, and finally the dissolution in 2025, all responded to the deep crises of their times and were processes of reconstruction.
Therefore, the question we must ask today is: is dissolution really an end, or the rebirth of a historical truth in another form? The PKK’s dissolution is being presented as an end; but the reality is that it continues to live as hope in the conscience and memory of the people.
Ibn Khaldun’s concept of “generation,” developed in the Muqaddimah and referenced by sociological and historical scholars including Hamit Bozarslan, is significant for understanding the temporal dimension of social and political transformation. According to him, a community or dynasty’s life spans approximately three generations, each averaging forty years, making the natural lifespan of political power around 120 years.
In this cycle, the first generation represents founding, struggle, and solidarity; the second generation enjoys the benefits of acquired power; and the third generation, disconnected from the memory of struggle, tends toward dissolution.
Ibn Khaldun illustrates this with the Israelites: the Jewish community led by Moses, carrying the traces of slavery, could not enter the “promised land” directly and wandered in the desert for forty years. The generation that experienced slavery perished in the desert, replaced by a new generation born free. Here, “generation” is not merely a biological category but a carrier of social memory and political consciousness. For societal transformation to occur, at least one generation must change.
Applying this concept to Turkey, the regime change process can be seen as a government nearing the end of a generational cycle, attempting to integrate existing social dynamics into its framework. Apparent divisions among the CHP, MHP, and AKP are, in reality, part of a strategy to bring all elements of the regime under control. As Ibn Khaldun notes, social transformations mature over a generational cycle. In this process, the moral and social accumulation developed by the Kurdistan Freedom Movement over decades cannot be integrated into misleading negotiation images. Here, moral distinction, intergenerational resistance, and social memory play a decisive role.
Thus, the regime change efforts should not be seen merely as tactical surface-level splits, but must be evaluated alongside these generational and moral differences. Ultimately, we face a Turkey collapsing economically, politically, and morally, and a Kurdistan rising with full awareness.
What does reconstruction mean?
The PKK’s dissolution is not an end; it is the rebirth of a historical truth in new forms. But this rebirth cannot be mere nostalgic repetition. “Rebuilding the PKK” means adapting its half-century legacy to the chaotic conditions of today’s world and reconstructing it on a more advanced political, social, and moral plane.
The demand for freedom and peace cannot be destroyed
The PKK’s dissolution does not eliminate the people’s need for freedom. As long as the Kurdish people, women, and the oppressed retain their will, this demand will reorganize under another organization, form, or name. History teaches us that, like the laws of nature, the will of the people does not allow a void.
Moral legacy will carry the new actor
The PKK’s greatest legacy is not its military or political achievements, but the moral foundation of its resistance and revolutionary values. Military and political gains are often temporary and circumstantial. The awareness of owing a life to the people, the legacy of martyrs, and the line of women’s freedom—this moral legacy forms the basis for reconstruction.
Strategic subjectivity is essential
Kurds must no longer be merely a bargaining chip on others’ tables; they must build their own. This equation, always lost in asymmetric negotiations, changes only when Kurds establish their own strategic horizon. Reconstruction requires diplomatic subjectivity, economic and institutional infrastructure, and the integrity of a social vision.
Diaspora, women, and young people are the pioneers of this process
In the 21st century, the struggle for peace and democracy emerges not only domestically but also through the voices of the diaspora. The freedom line created by women, the dynamism of youth, the international influence of the diaspora, and the accumulated experience and knowledge—all three sources are essential for reconstruction.
The Democratic Nation horizon is the path forward
The PKK’s paradigmatic transformation into democratic confederalism offers a solution model in the midst of Middle Eastern chaos, a model not only for Kurds but for all peoples in the region. Today, reconstruction means institutionalizing this horizon and creating mechanisms to carry it from local to universal levels.
In conclusion, the PKK’s dissolution is not the end of a history, but the beginning of a new era. Amid the chaotic spiral of global violence, the emergence of a new actor to meet the peoples’ demand for peace and freedom has become inevitable. Whatever its name, form, or what anyone says, one absolute and undeniable truth remains: the reconstruction of the PKK has begun.