The commission established in parliament has still not decided to hear Abdullah Öcalan. Many statements have been made and opinions offered on this. Öcalan is the pioneer and architect of this process. He once said, “I have the theoretical and practical power to stop the war in a week.” He acted on this, and for a long time, conflicts have ceased and bodies are no longer being carried away. This has eased the situation in Turkey and created an environment for debate and seeking a solution. Without Öcalan’s calls and initiatives, the commission that exists today would not even have been formed.
The commission has listened to state representatives and invited various segments of society to provide their views and suggestions. However, Öcalan, whose actions made these historic steps possible, has not been consulted. Yet he is the best person to define the process and contribute most effectively to a solution. Öcalan is the one who understands the problem both theoretically and practically better than anyone. He is the person who can comprehensively lay out what needs to be done to establish a solid Kurdish-Turkish brotherhood. In short, the person who can contribute the most to the commission and facilitate its work is Öcalan. Yet, why is the commission not consulting him and seeking his views? Why avoid listening to the true stakeholders, the real parties to the problem?
The government and its media remain hesitant and restrained in informing the public and involving them in the process. If a decision has been made to reach a solution based on Kurdish-Turkish brotherhood, why are these steps not being accelerated? They themselves claim that if the process moves too fast, provocations and other issues could arise. Yet the ability to accelerate the process is in their hands. Öcalan took the steps at the start that should have been taken at the end. He made strategic decisions and brought an end to the PKK’s armed struggle against Turkey. What else could be done to inspire more confidence and pave the way for a solution? Yet the state leaders and media still do not even use the language of peace. If mindset and language do not change, how can a solution and peace progress and be realized in practice?
It is clear that the people of Turkey do not want war. Despite those opposing a solution and using toxic rhetoric, is there any segment of the population demanding war in the streets? Are conflicts and the heavy economic burdens they bring in the interest of the people? Of course not. If those stirring nationalism and racism did not provoke the public, there would be even stronger demands for peace. For years, the people have been manipulated as if there were no alternatives to security-driven policies. Despite this, the people strongly support peace.
There has always been a strong and conscious mass base for peace. Kurds, women’s movements, leftist and socialist circles, the oppressed, intellectuals, and many others have firmly supported the solution and peace despite all disinformation and war propaganda. Society was targeted for militarization. Psychological warfare centers and state apparatuses worked intensively for years. When the political environment changed, even partially, it became clear that the people could not be subdued as the authorities wished.
The people and democratic forces have no objection to peace. What exists is a government resisting it. Kurdish-Turkish brotherhood is spoken of, yet steps that could build public trust and ease the political environment are not being taken. D. Bahçeli said, “Let Öcalan come, speak in parliament, make a call, benefit from the right to hope.” The ECHR made a decision eleven years ago, calling for the recognition of the right to hope and legal regulation. The government has taken no steps on this. The Minister of Justice even said that the right to hope is not on the agenda.
The political and legal groundwork needed to be prepared, but no steps have been taken in this direction. So far, the only action has been the establishment of the parliamentary commission. What this commission will do is still unclear. Leaving laws aside, the government could take some steps to ease the political environment. The mayors of Van and Mardin were dismissed, and trustees were appointed in their place. Now, Ahmet Türk and Abdullah Zeydan are not imprisoned and are carrying out their political work. Is it so difficult to return their municipalities? What is being waited for? What has been done so far was already an attack on the will of the people and anti-democratic. If democratic steps are to be taken in Turkey, shouldn’t these aberrations end?
Instead of ending the trustee scandal, it has now spread to western provinces. Things are happening that would not occur even in a military coup. Seventeen CHP mayors are in prison. It is clear that attacks on CHP will continue. Pressure on Kurds has not brought democracy to Turkey, and pressure in the west will not solve the Kurdish issue either. From this perspective, the parliamentary commission must act decisively on the solution and enable Öcalan to play a more active role. There can be no solution without Öcalan. For years, everything possible has been attempted for a solution without him. If Turkey intends to resolve the Kurdish issue, it cannot make progress while keeping Öcalan as a hostage.
Source: Yeni Özgür Politika